Pakistan is facing growing pressure as fighting between Saudi-backed forces and Iran-aligned Houthis intensifies in Yemen. Smoke was seen rising in Al Jawf province after recent strikes, underscoring the scale of the conflict.

For the past year, Islamabad has acted both as Riyadh’s defence partner and Washington’s backchannel to Tehran. This dual role is now being tested by the first major challenge to the mutual defence alliance signed last month between Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and Turkey. The pact stipulates that an armed attack on one member is to be treated as an attack on all.

Pakistani officials fear the Houthi threat could drag them into war more readily than earlier Iranian missile strikes on Saudi energy infrastructure.

Thousands of Pakistani soldiers are already deployed near the Saudi-Yemeni border, increasing their exposure. Defence deals with Gulf nations have been central to Pakistan’s economic recovery strategy, often tied to promises of Gulf investment.

At the same time, Pakistan depends heavily on oil and gas shipments through the Strait of Hormuz and the Red Sea. Both routes have been disrupted by Iran and the Houthis, giving Islamabad strong incentive to avoid alienating Tehran even as it deepens ties with Riyadh.

This week, Pakistan delivered a Saudi warning to Iran urging restraint over Houthi operations. Army chief Field Marshal Asim Munir spoke with Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araqchi to discuss ways of restoring diplomatic efforts.

Officials insist no military response is currently under discussion. Foreign ministry spokesman Sajjad Haider Khan reiterated Pakistan’s opposition to escalation, stressing dialogue and diplomacy.

Iranian officials have publicly praised Pakistan’s mediation role, but sources suggest Tehran privately doubts Islamabad’s capacity compared to experienced negotiators like Qatar. Analysts note Pakistan’s elevated role owes more to personal ties between President Donald Trump and Field Marshal Munir than to Islamabad’s diplomatic capital. Trump has repeatedly referred to Munir as his “favourite field marshal,” following Pakistan’s charm offensive involving crypto deals, rare minerals access, and counterterrorism cooperation.

Pakistan’s balancing act is evident in its recent defence dealings. While Kuwait sought a pact similar to the Saudi-Turkish arrangement, Islamabad scaled back talks, wary of deepening military ties with another Gulf state vulnerable to Iranian strikes.

Instead, a narrower protocol covering training, border security and capacity-building was signed last month. Officials confirmed there are no plans to expand the broader alliance to new members.

Experts remain divided on Islamabad’s role. Farzana Shaikh of Chatham House questioned whether Tehran’s trust was ever solid, noting Pakistan lacks the experience of Qatar or Oman. Kamran Bokhari argued that Pakistan’s alignment with Riyadh and Washington is precisely why Tehran engages it, since Islamabad can deliver messages in ways neutral mediators cannot.

Yet escalation could shift Pakistan from mediator to combatant. Bokhari warned that while relaying messages is one thing, providing active air defence or intelligence support would tip Pakistan into direct involvement.

With the seventh-largest military in the world, Pakistan has already deployed thousands of troops and a fighter squadron to Saudi Arabia. But with forces stretched along the Indian border and fighting insurgencies in western provinces, Islamabad is cautious about further commitments.

The situation highlights Pakistan’s dilemma: balancing its defence ties with Gulf allies against its need to maintain workable relations with Iran. As the Saudi-Houthi conflict deepens, Islamabad’s ability to remain both mediator and partner is under increasing strain.

Agencies