DRDO's NETRA Airborne System Set For Final Clearance

The Defence Research and Development Organisation’s indigenously developed NETRA Airborne Early Warning and Control (AEW&C) system is set to achieve a landmark milestone with the award of its Final Operational Clearance (FOC) on 25 June 2026.

The ceremony will be held at the Centre for Airborne Systems (CABS) in Bangalore, marking the culmination of more than two decades of development and operational validation.

The FOC certifies that the aircraft is fully combat‑ready, structurally sound, and equipped with all required mission capabilities, following the earlier Initial Operational Clearance phase.

The Indian Air Force currently operates three NETRA MK-1 aircraft based on the Embraer ERJ‑145 platform. These are stationed at Bhisiana Air Force Station near Bathinda in Punjab with No. 200 Squadron.

Inducted in 2015, the aircraft have already proven their operational worth in several high‑intensity scenarios. They were deployed during the Balakot airstrikes in 2019, the India‑China border stand‑off in 2020, and most recently during Operation Sindoor in 2025.

The NETRA fleet is complemented by three Beriev A‑50 Phalcon AWACS aircraft based on the Russian IL‑76 platform, which provide 360‑degree coverage and form the backbone of India’s airborne surveillance capability.

AEW&C aircraft are a critical element of network‑centric warfare. Equipped with advanced radars and sensors, they act as airborne command posts, detecting hostile aircraft and missiles at long ranges, guiding friendly fighters during missions, and relaying real‑time battlefield data to command centres.

Their role as “eyes in the sky” ensures that the IAF maintains situational awareness and operational superiority in contested airspaces.

The NETRA program traces its origins to 2003, when the IAF and DRDO jointly studied the feasibility of developing an indigenous AEW&C system. Following government approval, CABS was designated as the nodal agency for design, system integration, and testing.

Four other DRDO laboratories contributed to the effort: the Electronics and Radar Development Establishment developed the primary radar, the Defence Electronics Application Laboratory handled communication systems and data links, the Defence Avionics Research Establishment worked on the self‑protection suite and electronic warfare measures, and the Defence Electronics Research Laboratory provided communication support.

Three ERJ‑145 aircraft were procured from Brazil and extensively modified to meet military requirements. These modifications included in‑flight refuelling capability, satellite communication systems, advanced avionics, electrical upgrades, and aerodynamic and structural changes. 

The first fully modified aircraft undertook its maiden flight in December 2011 at Embraer’s Brazilian facility and was delivered to DRDO in August 2012.

The first NETRA aircraft was handed over to the IAF in February 2017, receiving IOC in October 2017 after trials at Bhisiana. The second and third aircraft joined the fleet in 2019 and 2023 respectively.

The central government has already approved the development of six additional NETRA MK-1A aircraft. These will feature an enhanced mission suite, upgraded sensors, and longer‑range radars capable of detecting low‑observability platforms such as drones and stealth aircraft. They will also incorporate improved human‑machine interfaces and tighter integration with IAF’s command and control systems.

Parallel plans are underway for the NETRA MK‑2 program, which will involve a larger platform and more powerful radar systems. Six Airbus A321 aircraft have been procured from Air India for this purpose.

The MK‑2 is expected to deliver detection ranges exceeding 500 kilometres, improved situational awareness, and greater endurance, thereby bridging the gap with advanced AEW&C systems operated by other major air forces.

The award of FOC to the NETRA MK-1 represents a significant achievement for India’s indigenous defence industry. It validates the collaborative effort of multiple DRDO laboratories and the IAF, while also demonstrating India’s ability to field complex airborne surveillance systems.

With the MK‑1 fleet now fully combat‑ready, the forthcoming MK‑1A and MK‑2 variants will ensure that India’s airborne early warning capability continues to expand in both scale and sophistication.

ANI

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Dharashakti EW Systems Cleared To Jam Enemy Radars, Drones And Communications

The Defence Acquisition Council has approved the induction of the ₹5,150 crore Dharashakti Integrated Electronic Warfare (EW) System, a landmark indigenous capability that can jam multiple enemy airborne early warning and control systems (AEWCS), fighter radars, synthetic aperture radars (SAR), encrypted communications, and navigation networks.

Critically, it now provides the Indian Army with the ability to jam and neutralise Pakistani UAVs and UCAVs at ranges of up to 150 kilometres, significantly enhancing India’s spectrum dominance.

The Dharashakti EW system represents a decisive leap in India’s electronic warfare preparedness. Entirely indigenously developed, it integrates both communication (COM) and non-communication (Non-COM) segments. The COM segment intercepts and analyses radio frequencies, ensuring secure and encrypted battlefield communications even under hostile jamming.

The Non-COM segment is designed to detect, disrupt, and neutralise enemy radar emissions, surveillance systems, and guidance networks, thereby degrading adversary situational awareness and air defence capabilities.

The system is optimised for deployment in desert and plain terrains such as the Samaghat and Shatrughat sectors, where long-range visibility and high signal clarity are critical. Mounted on rugged, all-terrain mobile platforms, Dharashakti can be rapidly deployed and sustained for extended operations, giving commanders flexibility in both offensive and defensive roles.

Its Electro-Optical (EO) suite, equipped with high-resolution visual and infrared sensors, provides real-time imaging, target recognition, and surveillance even in adverse conditions such as night operations, dust storms, or fog.

A defining feature of Dharashakti is its ability to jam and neutralise hostile UAVs and UCAVs at ranges of up to 150 kilometres. This capability directly addresses the growing threat posed by Pakistani drone incursions and loitering munitions, which have been used to target Indian positions and infrastructure. 

By interfering with control links and satellite navigation systems, Dharashakti can force hostile drones to lose guidance or abort missions, offering a cost-effective alternative to kinetic interception.

Beyond drones, the system can jam multiple enemy AEWCS platforms, fighter radars, and synthetic aperture radars, thereby blinding adversary surveillance and strike capabilities. Its encrypted communication jamming capability ensures that hostile forces lose connectivity, while its navigation disruption functions can compromise precision-guided munitions and aircraft operations.

These features make Dharashakti a comprehensive tool for spectrum dominance, capable of shaping the battlefield before kinetic engagements begin.

The approval of Dharashakti by the Defence Acquisition Council underscores India’s commitment to Atmanirbharta in defence production. With a project value of ₹5,150 crore, it represents a major investment in indigenous technology and a strategic step towards reducing reliance on foreign systems. 

Defence officials have emphasised that Dharashakti will provide a decisive edge in sensitive border areas, particularly along the western and northern fronts where electronic warfare capabilities are increasingly critical.

In the broader context of modern warfare, control of the electromagnetic spectrum is now a core enabler of combat superiority. Systems like Dharashakti not only protect India’s own communication networks but also allow the Army to degrade and disrupt adversary networks, thereby enhancing survivability and operational effectiveness.

Its induction marks a significant milestone in India’s journey towards building a technologically advanced, self-reliant military force capable of meeting future challenges.

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Pakistan’s First Hangor-Class Submarine Arrives In Karachi

Pakistan’s first Hangor-class submarine, PNS Hangor, has arrived in Karachi, marking a major milestone in Islamabad’s naval modernisation. India is watching closely as this Chinese-origin platform, equipped with advanced Air Independent Propulsion (AIP), significantly enhances Pakistan’s underwater endurance and stealth, altering the strategic balance in the Arabian Sea.

The arrival of PNS Hangor at Karachi Port represents the operational induction of the first of eight Hangor-class submarines contracted under a 2015 agreement with China.

Four of these boats are being built in China, while the remaining four are under construction at Karachi Shipyard through technology transfer.

The Hangor-class is derived from China’s Type-039A Yuan-class design and incorporates Stirling-cycle AIP systems, enabling longer submerged operations without surfacing to recharge batteries. This capability reduces vulnerability to detection by UAVs, maritime patrol aircraft, and surface vessels, thereby strengthening Pakistan’s sea-denial posture.

The submarine’s arrival was marked by a ceremonial naval reception at the Pakistan Navy Dockyard, attended by Vice Admiral Abdul Munib, Commander Pakistan Fleet. Cadets of the Pakistan Naval Academy presented a salute, accompanied by a fly-past of PN Z9EC helicopters, underscoring the symbolic and operational importance of the event.

The name “Hangor” honours Pakistan’s naval heritage, recalling the French-built Daphne-class submarine that famously sank an Indian frigate during the 1971 war.

Pakistan’s submarine fleet now comprises five existing boats, including Agosta-class vessels, and will expand to thirteen by 2028 once all Hangor-class units are inducted. Of these, nine will be AIP-equipped, giving Pakistan a formidable undersea force relative to its surface fleet size.

The acquisition, valued at approximately US$4–5 billion, is the largest in Pakistan Navy history and reflects Islamabad’s prioritisation of undersea deterrence despite economic constraints.

India, meanwhile, operates sixteen attack submarines across the Kalvari, Sindhughosh, and Shishumar classes, alongside three strategic nuclear submarines. However, only six Kalvari-class boats are slated to receive DRDO-developed plug-in AIP systems.

India’s submarine modernisation has faced delays, with its 1998 plan to induct 24 conventional submarines by 2030 falling short—only six have been added, while four have been retired.

The long-pending Project-75I tender, worth about ₹70,000 crore, has advanced with Mazagon Dock Shipbuilders and Germany’s ThyssenKrupp Marine Systems clearing technical evaluation, but deliveries remain years away.

Project-76, featuring modified DRDO AIP systems, is expected to run in parallel, while Project-77 aims to deliver indigenous nuclear-powered attack submarines. India is also considering leasing another Russian nuclear submarine to bridge capability gaps.

Despite these challenges, India retains overwhelming numerical superiority, with nineteen submarines compared to Pakistan’s eventual thirteen. Yet Pakistan’s concentrated deployment in the Arabian Sea, backed by Chinese technology and operational support, complicates India’s anti-submarine warfare environment.

The arrival of PNS Hangor thus signals not just a platform induction but a strategic recalibration, embedding Chinese influence in Pakistan’s naval development and intensifying competition in the Indian Ocean Region.

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India's Proposed Oman‑Gujarat Deep‑Sea Pipeline To Secure Energy Future

India is once again revisiting the ambitious plan to construct a nearly 2,000‑kilometre deep‑sea gas pipeline linking Oman to Gujarat across the Arabian Sea.

The project, estimated at around ₹40,000 crore, is being positioned as a strategic response to the energy uncertainty caused by recurring crises in West Asia.

If realised, it would create a direct energy corridor between the Gulf and India, bypassing the Strait of Hormuz, one of the world’s most critical maritime chokepoints.

The idea of such a pipeline has existed for more than three decades. Earlier attempts faltered due to prohibitive costs, technological hurdles, and doubts over commercial viability.

South Asia Gas Enterprise (SAGE), which has long promoted the project, has conducted technical and financial assessments as well as seabed surveys along the proposed route.

Advances in subsea engineering and the growing urgency of energy security have now revived interest, with India’s Petroleum Ministry tasking state‑run companies including GAIL, Engineers India Ltd, and Indian Oil Corporation to prepare a detailed feasibility report based on SAGE’s pre‑feasibility study.

India’s dependence on imported energy remains substantial. The country imports most of its crude oil and relies heavily on overseas supplies of natural gas, particularly LNG. Much of this originates in the Gulf and transits through the Strait of Hormuz.

Any disruption along this corridor has immediate consequences for shipping costs, fuel prices, and supply chains. Recent tensions in West Asia have underscored the vulnerability of relying on a single maritime route, with sharp fluctuations in LNG prices and heightened concerns over shipping security. Against this backdrop, the Oman‑Gujarat pipeline is being viewed as a potential stabiliser.

Unlike LNG imports, which require liquefaction, tanker transport, and regasification, a pipeline would allow natural gas to flow directly from source to destination. Supporters argue this would provide greater reliability and reduce exposure to maritime disruptions.

The proposed Middle East‑India Deepwater Pipeline would connect Oman directly to Gujarat through an underwater network stretching across the Arabian Sea. Its most striking feature is its depth, with sections expected to lie more than 3,000 metres below sea level. This would make it one of the deepest subsea pipeline projects ever attempted, requiring highly specialised engineering solutions.

The pipeline is expected to transport natural gas under long‑term supply agreements, diversifying India’s energy sources while providing Oman with a stable export market. Transportation costs are projected at $2–2.25 per MMBtu, though final figures will depend on financing, construction expenses, and future gas prices.

For India, the project could reduce forex outflows, moderate LNG price volatility, and strengthen resilience in sectors such as fertilisers and power generation, which are heavily dependent on natural gas.

Despite its strategic appeal, the project faces formidable challenges. Engineering at depths of around 3,000 metres involves extreme pressure, difficult seabed conditions, and limited accessibility. 

Installation and maintenance would be complex, and any leak or failure would be costly to repair, requiring specialised vessels and advanced underwater equipment. Economics remain another hurdle. 

The ₹40,000 crore estimate is preliminary, and large infrastructure projects often face delays and overruns. Whether the pipeline makes commercial sense will depend on long‑term gas prices, transportation costs, and demand growth. Financing is equally uncertain, with questions over who will fund the project, how costs will be shared, and whether supply agreements can provide sufficient certainty to attract investors.

For policymakers, the pipeline is about more than importing gas. It represents a broader effort to strengthen India’s energy resilience and reduce exposure to geopolitical disruptions. A direct energy corridor linking India with the Gulf could deepen economic ties and provide flexibility in managing future energy needs.

Some experts view it as a foundation for wider Gulf‑India energy connectivity, potentially supporting alternative fuels such as hydrogen in the future. Whether this vision materialises will depend on decisions taken in the coming years.

After more than three decades of discussion, the Oman‑Gujarat Deep‑Sea Gas Pipeline remains one of India’s most ambitious energy proposals.

The strategic logic behind it has grown stronger as concerns over energy security intensify, but the engineering and financial challenges remain daunting. The question is no longer whether the idea is attractive, but whether technology, economics, and financing can finally align to turn it into reality.

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US Asked India To Buy Russian Oil In 2022, Then Imposed Tariffs, Says Jaishankar

External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar has firmly stated that India’s decision to purchase Russian oil from 2022 onwards was not only based on cost and availability but was also taken at the request of the United States to stabilise global oil prices, per a report by News18.

Speaking at an event in Finland, Jaishankar explained that Washington had specifically asked India to buy Russian oil at that time to help keep the global market steady.

He emphasised that India’s choices were shaped by circumstances, particularly after European countries shifted away from Russian energy supplies following sanctions imposed on Moscow, which in turn intensified competition for Middle Eastern oil—India’s traditional source.

EAM Jaishankar highlighted that much of the oil available in the market during that period was Russian, as Europe was absorbing Middle Eastern supplies. He noted that India was effectively pushed in a certain direction by these dynamics.

His remarks came during a panel discussion at the Kultaranta Talks alongside Finland’s Foreign Minister Elina Valtonen and UAE Assistant Foreign Minister Lana Nusseibeh, where he was questioned about India’s stance on the Russia-Ukraine war.

When accused of being overly sympathetic to Russia, Jaishankar responded that his decisions were guided by cost and availability, reiterating that circumstances dictated India’s procurement strategy.

The minister also drew attention to Europe’s moral ambiguity, pointing out that European countries have sold weapons that have been used against India for many years. He contrasted this with India’s record, stressing that no European country has ever been attacked with Indian weapons.

He argued that this was a reasonable point to highlight when Europe questions India’s choices, underlining that India has never endangered Europe in any way.

External Affairs Minister Jaishankar further rejected the moralising around Russian oil purchases, describing such criticism as hypocritical. He reminded the audience that the United States had initially asked India to buy Russian oil, later imposed tariffs on Indian products for doing so, and eventually revoked those tariffs.

He insisted that this sequence of actions demonstrated the inconsistency of Western positions. He added that India’s largest oil supplier today is Russia, while its largest gas supplier is the United States, and noted that the world is increasingly “de-risking” from the Gulf region.

India has consistently maintained that its energy procurement decisions are guided by national interest and energy security, rather than external pressures. Despite Western sanctions on Russia, New Delhi has significantly increased imports of discounted Russian crude, making it one of the leading sources of India’s oil supplies in recent years. Jaishankar’s remarks reinforce India’s pragmatic approach, rejecting moral lectures from abroad and focusing instead on securing reliable and affordable energy for its economy.

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Pakistan Rattled By India’s Expanding Nuclear Capabilities, Warns Arsenal May Be Larger Than Estimated

Pakistan has publicly voiced unease over India’s expanding strategic capabilities, suggesting that New Delhi’s nuclear arsenal may exceed current estimates.

The statement was issued against the backdrop of the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute’s latest assessment, which placed India’s nuclear stockpile at approximately 190 warheads. 

Islamabad’s remarks are notable as they represent a rare admission of the steady enhancement of India’s deterrence architecture across multiple domains.

Pakistan’s Foreign Office highlighted developments such as India’s Canisterisation of missile systems, the expansion of its sea-based nuclear deterrent through nuclear-capable submarines, and the pursuit of longer-range intercontinental ballistic missile systems.

These advancements, according to Islamabad, are contributing to India’s growing operational readiness, thereby strengthening the survivability and maturity of its nuclear triad. The statement effectively acknowledged that India’s deterrence posture is becoming increasingly sophisticated, with improvements in readiness, survivability and reach.

The Foreign Office further argued that India’s actual nuclear arsenal may be larger than SIPRI’s estimates, reflecting growing concern in Islamabad over the pace of New Delhi’s strategic advancements.

Pakistan sought to draw international attention to the issue, urging suppliers of advanced technologies to India to consider the implications of such capabilities on the regional security environment.

It emphasised that the international community should understand the consequences of advanced technologies being incorporated into India’s strategic posture.

For strategic observers, Pakistan’s latest comments are significant less for their criticism and more for what they reveal—an implicit recognition of India’s evolving military and technological capabilities. India has consistently maintained that its nuclear doctrine is based on the principles of credible minimum deterrence and No First Use.

New Delhi has not officially responded to Pakistan’s remarks, but the episode underscores the continuing strategic competition in South Asia and the growing recognition within Pakistan of India’s advancing capabilities.

This development comes at a time when India is modernising its nuclear delivery systems, expanding its sea-based deterrent, and pursuing longer-range strike capabilities. The acknowledgement by Pakistan highlights the shifting balance of power in the region and the increasing complexity of deterrence dynamics.

It also reflects the broader trend of nuclear-armed states investing in survivability, readiness and technological sophistication, even as global efforts to reduce reliance on nuclear weapons appear to be waning.

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Adani And Embraer To Establish E175 Jet Assembly Line At Dholera In Gujarat

Adani Defence & Aerospace and Embraer have confirmed plans to establish a Final Assembly Line (FAL) for the E175 regional jet at the Dholera Special Investment Region (SIR) in Gujarat, marking India’s first dedicated commercial aircraft assembly facility.

This project is expected to create thousands of skilled jobs and strengthen India’s aviation self-reliance under the UDAN and Regional Transport Aircraft (RTA) programs.

The partnership between Adani Defence & Aerospace and Brazilian aerospace giant Embraer represents a significant leap in India’s aerospace ambitions. The enhanced Memorandum of Understanding signed earlier in 2026 outlines the creation of a comprehensive ecosystem for regional aircraft, including manufacturing, supply chain development, aftermarket services, and pilot training.

The assembly line will be supported by firm orders, with Embraer targeting commitments for over 200 aircraft to formally launch production.

Dholera SIR was chosen due to its strategic advantages. The site offers proximity to the upcoming Dholera International Airport, excellent port connectivity, and advanced industrial infrastructure.

The region is being developed as one of India’s most advanced smart industrial cities, with plans for a sea port, Maintenance, Repair and Overhaul (MRO) facilities, and a pilot training school. These features make it an ideal location for a modern aerospace hub.

The E175 regional jet, part of Embraer’s successful E-Jet family, is a highly efficient 88-seat aircraft well-suited for India’s growing short-haul and underserved routes. It offers proven reliability, low operating costs, and strong performance in hot-and-high conditions common at many Indian airports.

Its deployment is expected to significantly enhance regional connectivity, aligning with the government’s UDAN scheme to expand air travel access across Tier 2 and Tier 3 cities.

The project will begin with final assembly and progressively increase indigenous content through Indian suppliers. This localisation effort represents India’s entry into modern commercial aircraft final assembly, a capability previously limited to licensed production of military platforms.

Thousands of jobs in engineering, avionics, composites, and advanced manufacturing are expected to be created, alongside the development of a robust domestic supply chain.

Adani Defence brings strong industrial execution capabilities and an established footprint in defence and aerospace, while Embraer contributes proven aircraft technology and global market expertise. 

Together, they aim to strengthen strategic relations between India and Brazil, combining complementary capabilities to support India’s RTA ambitions.

The initiative also opens opportunities for dual-use technologies, exports of assembled aircraft to neighbouring markets, and expanded MRO services.

Embraer’s leadership has emphasised India’s pivotal role in its global strategy. Meetings with major Indian airlines such as Air India and IndiGo, as well as TATA Group executives, are planned to secure commitments. The collaboration is expected to not only boost India’s aviation sector but also reinforce its position as a rising aerospace manufacturing hub.

This development complements India’s broader push for self-reliance in aviation and builds upon existing defence collaborations. It represents a milestone in India’s journey towards establishing a modern, indigenous commercial aircraft industry, with Dholera poised to become a cornerstone of this transformation.

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European Weapons Used Against India: Jaishankar Silences West's Criticism of Russian Oil Purchases

India’s External Affairs Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar delivered a firm defence of New Delhi’s Russian oil imports during his participation at the Kultaranta Talks in Finland.

He argued that Western nations lacked the moral authority to criticise India’s energy decisions, pointing out that European-made weapons had repeatedly been used against India, whereas no Indian weapon had ever threatened Europe.

Speaking at a session on ‘Emerging Powers and the New Geopolitical Competition’, Jaishankar explained that India’s decision to purchase Russian crude following the outbreak of the Ukraine war was dictated by affordability and availability. He reminded the audience that the United States itself had encouraged India in 2022 to continue buying Russian oil in order to stabilise global markets disrupted by sanctions.

His remarks came in response to a journalist who accused India of being overly sympathetic to Russia and too willing to buy Russian oil. Jaishankar countered that circumstances had forced India’s hand. When European consumers began purchasing oil in large volumes from the Middle East, India’s traditional suppliers, New Delhi had little choice but to turn to Russian energy.

Expanding on his criticism of Europe, Jaishankar highlighted that many of the weapons supplied by European nations over the decades had ended up in the hands of countries that used them against India. 

He contrasted this with India’s record, noting that no Indian-made weapon had ever been used against a European country. “No European country has been attacked with Indian weapons. I wish I could say that for Europe weapons vis-à-vis India,” he remarked, underscoring India’s longstanding security concerns.

He reiterated that Europe had consistently sold arms which were later deployed against India, not just in recent years but across decades. This, he argued, stripped Europe of any moral standing to lecture India on its energy procurement choices.

Since the Russia-Ukraine war began, India has steadily increased its reliance on Russian energy, reaching a peak in August 2025 when imports touched approximately two million barrels per day, making Moscow India’s largest crude supplier. Jaishankar explained that India’s purchases were a matter of cost and availability, with Russian oil being the most accessible option at the time.

He also reminded the audience that Washington had directly asked India to step up Russian oil imports in 2022 to help stabilise the global energy market. “At that time, the US directly asked India to buy Russian oil to stabilise the oil market. We buy oil based on cost and availability,” he stated.

EAM Jaishankar’s remarks also drew attention to Pakistan’s reliance on European arms, which have been repeatedly used against India. The Pakistan Army has long been equipped with German rifles and machine guns produced under licence domestically.

Its Air Force operates French Mirage jets and Swedish Saab-2000 Erieye early warning aircraft, while its Navy fields five French-made Agosta class submarines. Notably, a French-made Daphne class submarine sank the Indian Navy frigate INS Khukri during the 1971 war.

By highlighting these examples, Jaishankar made clear that India’s reliance on Russian oil was a pragmatic decision rooted in national interest and energy security. He stressed that Europe and the West lacked the moral authority to criticise India, given their own history of arms sales that had directly endangered Indian security.

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US Asked India To Buy Russian Oil, Later Imposed Tariffs, Says EAM Jaishankar

External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar has mounted a robust defence of India’s energy procurement strategy, making clear that the decision to purchase Russian crude oil from 2022 onwards was both a matter of national interest and a stabilising contribution to the global economy.

He revealed that New Delhi’s calibrated choices were not unilateral but aligned with explicit requests from the United States, which sought to prevent a catastrophic surge in international oil prices at the time.

Speaking at the Kultaranta Talks in Finland during a session on ‘Emerging Powers and the New Geopolitical Competition’, Jaishankar explained that Washington had specifically asked India to buy Russian oil to steady the market.

He emphasised that India’s actions were pragmatic, responsible, and globally beneficial, ensuring that energy supplies remained stable during a period of severe disruption.

He outlined the market dynamics that shaped India’s decisions. Following Western sanctions on Moscow, European nations rapidly abandoned Russian energy assets and turned aggressively to the Middle East, traditionally India’s primary supplier.

This sudden pivot created intense competition and threatened supplies for developing economies. Jaishankar noted that circumstances pushed India towards Russian oil because much of the available supply was Russian, while Europeans were absorbing Middle Eastern volumes.

When challenged by a journalist who accused India of being overly sympathetic to Russia, Jaishankar responded firmly that India’s energy purchases were dictated by cost and availability. He reiterated that Europe’s scramble for Middle Eastern oil left Russia as the most viable option for India, and that New Delhi’s choices were shaped by necessity rather than ideology.

EAM Jaishankar also highlighted Europe’s moral ambiguity, pointing out that no European country has ever been attacked with Indian weapons, whereas European arms have repeatedly been used against India.

He stressed that India has never endangered Europe, contrasting this with Europe’s long history of supplying weapons that have been deployed against Indian interests. This, he argued, underscored the hypocrisy of European criticism of India’s energy trade.

He confirmed that Russia remains a reliable partner for India’s crude imports, while the United States is India’s top supplier of natural gas, reflecting New Delhi’s diversified energy basket. He added that the global market is currently “de-risking” from the Gulf region, further validating India’s diversified approach.

Jaishankar dismantled the selective moralising surrounding India’s sovereign energy decisions, stressing that Western nations themselves had shifted policies inconsistently. He pointed out that the United States initially requested India to buy Russian oil to protect the global market, later imposed tariffs on Indian products, and eventually rescinded them.

He argued that such hypocrisy was inappropriate and that India’s decisions were guided solely by national interest, citizen welfare, and energy security.

By significantly increasing imports of discounted Russian crude as Western markets withdrew, India not only shielded its consumers from inflationary shocks but also relieved pressure on global oil supplies. 

This positioned India as a stabilising force in international trade, demonstrating its ability to balance domestic priorities with global responsibilities.

ANI

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Finnish President Stubb Calls India An 'Influential Actor' As Jaishankar Highlights Diplomacy At Kultaranta Talks

Finnish President Alexander Stubb has hailed India as an “influential actor” during his meeting with External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar at the Kultaranta Talks in Helsinki, emphasising the importance of New Delhi’s perspective on global conflicts and the upcoming G7 summit.

Both leaders reaffirmed the centrality of diplomacy in navigating today’s volatile international environment while committing to advance cooperation in digitalisation and sustainability.

The bilateral meeting took place on the sidelines of the Kultaranta Talks, Finland’s premier foreign policy forum hosted annually by the President. Stubb and Jaishankar exchanged views on pressing global conflicts, including the situation in the Middle East, the Persian Gulf, and efforts to end Russia’s war of aggression in Ukraine. Stubb later posted on X that India’s views are “important to hear,” underscoring the weight of New Delhi’s role in shaping international deliberations.

EAM Jaishankar echoed these sentiments in his own social media post, noting that he was pleased to meet President Stubb and that both sides underscored the importance of diplomacy in navigating an uncertain global environment.

He highlighted that India and Finland remain committed to advancing their strategic partnership, particularly in the fields of digitalisation and sustainability, while strengthening coordination in multilateral forums on issues of shared interest.

The meeting followed earlier steps taken this year when India and Finland elevated their relationship to a strategic partnership during Stubb’s visit to New Delhi.

This upgrade reflected a shared vision of deeper cooperation in emerging technology sectors, sustainability initiatives, and closer alignment in multilateral institutions. The Kultaranta Talks provided an opportunity to consolidate these gains and reaffirm the trajectory of bilateral ties.

Jaishankar’s participation in the Kultaranta Talks also included a panel discussion alongside Finnish Foreign Minister Elina Valtonen and UAE Assistant Foreign Minister Lana Nusseibeh.

The session, titled “Emerging Powers and the New Geopolitical Competition,” allowed Jaishankar to articulate India’s positions on energy security, supply chain resilience, and the need for de-risking global dependencies.

He defended India’s energy policy, stressing that purchases of Russian oil were driven by affordability and availability rather than political considerations, and pointed out inconsistencies in Western criticism.

In his remarks, Jaishankar emphasised that ongoing conflicts are imposing costs far beyond their immediate regions, triggering global economic and strategic shifts. He reiterated India’s call for dialogue and diplomacy as the only viable path forward, while stressing the importance of building resilience and redundancy in supply chains.

He also noted that India’s relations with the Gulf region remain central, underpinned by strong people-to-people ties, energy cooperation, and a growing strategic and defence partnership.

The Kultaranta Talks, held under the theme “A World in Transition: Global, Regional and Local Perspectives,” brought together policymakers, diplomats, and experts to deliberate on major foreign and security issues.

Jaishankar’s presence underscored India’s growing stature as a voice of the Global South and a key player in shaping the international order.

His engagements in Finland followed a productive visit to Bulgaria, reflecting New Delhi’s broader diplomatic outreach in Europe aimed at strengthening partnerships and advocating dialogue over conflict.

The structured dialogue between Jaishankar and Stubb reaffirmed the convergence of views between India and Finland on the importance of diplomacy, resilience, and sustainable cooperation. It also highlighted India’s evolving role as a global actor whose perspectives are increasingly sought in high-level forums such as the G7 and beyond.

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IN-SPACe Selects Astrobase, SatSure And TM2SPACE As First Beneficiaries of Technology Adoption Fund

IN-SPACe has announced the first beneficiaries of its ₹500 crore Technology Adoption Fund, selecting Astrobase Space Technologies, SatSure Analytics India, and TM2SPACE Technologies.

These start-ups will receive milestone-linked financial support and technical guidance to develop advanced propulsion, Earth observation AI, and satellite navigation systems, marking a pivotal step in India’s private space sector expansion.

The Indian National Space Promotion and Authorisation Centre (IN-SPACe) confirmed that the Technology Adoption Fund (TAF), launched in February 2025, is designed to help Indian industry absorb, adapt, and commercialise advanced space technologies.

The scheme supports up to 60% of project costs for start-ups and MSMEs, capped at ₹25 crore per project. The three selected companies are the first set of non-governmental entities to benefit from this initiative, chosen after a rigorous multi-stage evaluation process involving experts from ISRO, the Department for Promotion of Industry and Internal Trade, the Department of Science and Technology, academia, and industry.

Astrobase Space Technologies, based in Bangalore, will develop a high-thrust 800 kN reusable LOX-LNG closed-cycle liquid rocket engine. This engine is intended for medium-to-heavy lift launch vehicles and is designed with modular architecture to serve as a commercial propulsion solution for next-generation orbital stages.

The project builds upon Astrobase’s earlier achievements, including sub-scale hot-fire tests and turbopump trials, and aligns with India’s growing emphasis on reusable launch systems.

SatSure Analytics India, also headquartered in Bangalore, has been tasked with building Dhaarini, a Large Earth Observation Model (LOM). This AI-driven platform will serve as India’s foundational remote sensing model, trained on diverse satellite and aerial datasets.

It is expected to generate actionable insights across agriculture, infrastructure, and disaster management, enabling data-driven decision-making at scale. The project positions SatSure as a leader in geospatial analytics, complementing India’s broader digital transformation in agriculture and urban planning.

Hyderabad-based TM2SPACE Technologies will develop an indigenous AI-powered star tracker system. This technology will enable precise satellite pointing accuracy, which is critical for high-resolution imaging and communication missions.

The company plans to deliver two variants: StarSense Lite for CubeSats and StarSense Pro for larger satellites above 50 kg. These systems will integrate advanced optics, electronics, and onboard algorithms to provide high-precision attitude determination, reducing reliance on imported components.

IN-SPACe Chairman Pawan Goenka emphasised that these projects are not merely conceptual but represent practical, market-ready solutions that will expand India’s footprint in the global space economy.

He noted that the selection of these start-ups under the TAF scheme marks a pivotal step in transforming Indian private entities into global space leaders. Rajeev Jyoti, Director of the Technical Directorate at IN-SPACe, added that the projects address critical technology gaps in India’s space ecosystem and hold significant commercial potential.

The funding comes amid broader efforts to expand India’s private space sector. In parallel, a ₹1,000 crore venture capital fund managed by Sidbi Venture Capital Ltd is being rolled out to support nearly 40 space start-ups across the value chain over the next five years.

Together, these initiatives reflect India’s ambition to capture a larger share of the global space economy, projected to reach $1 trillion by 2040.

By offering milestone-linked disbursements and continuous technical guidance, IN-SPACe aims to ensure successful implementation of these projects. This approach bridges the gap between research and operational deployment, empowering start-ups to deliver transformative technologies that strengthen indigenous capabilities and enhance India’s global competitiveness.

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Pakistan Warns of 'Act of War' Over India’s Indus Water Strategy

India’s latest declaration on the Indus Waters Treaty has provoked a sharp diplomatic backlash from Pakistan, intensifying one of South Asia’s most enduring disputes.

Union Minister CR Patil stated that India would fully utilise its share of the Indus basin rivers and ensure “not a drop” flows into Pakistan. 

This uncompromising stance has been interpreted in Islamabad as a direct threat to its water security, prompting officials to warn that any restriction on flows would be considered an “act of war.”

The Indus Waters Treaty, signed in 1960 under World Bank mediation, has long been regarded as a rare example of cooperation between the two nuclear-armed neighbours. It allocates control of three eastern rivers — Ravi, Beas, and Sutlej — to India, while granting Pakistan rights over the three western rivers — Indus, Jhelum, and Chenab. Despite multiple wars and decades of hostility, the treaty has survived, though it has increasingly come under strain in recent years.

India’s suspension of its participation in the treaty in May 2025, following the Pahalgam massacre in Kashmir which New Delhi blamed on Pakistan-backed militants, marked a turning point.

Since then, India has pursued projects aimed at maximising its use of the eastern rivers and exploring engineering options to regulate flows from the western rivers. While experts note that India’s existing infrastructure does not allow for complete diversion, the political signalling has been unmistakable.

Pakistan has consistently argued that India’s moves amount to “weaponizing water.” Officials in Islamabad insist that unilateral withdrawal from the treaty is legally impossible, and they have raised the matter at international forums including the United Nations Security Council.

The Pakistani government maintains that any attempt to alter flows would devastate its agriculture, which is heavily dependent on the Indus basin, and could destabilise its already fragile economy.

The Chenab River has emerged as a particular flashpoint. India’s National Hydroelectric Power Corporation recently issued tenders for a tunnel project to transfer water from the Chenab to the Beas basin. Pakistan has accused New Delhi of using technical works as a cover for strategic diversion, while Indian officials argue that such projects are within their rights under the treaty’s provisions.

The dispute is further complicated by the geography of Kashmir, where the headwaters of these rivers originate. The contested territory has been the site of repeated clashes, and the water issue adds another layer of volatility. The four-day conflict in 2025, involving drones, missiles, and artillery, underscored how quickly tensions can escalate.

International actors have expressed concern. The United States has urged restraint and dialogue, while China has backed Pakistan’s position, citing the dangers of politicising shared water resources. Analysts warn that the confrontation risks transforming water into a new theatre of strategic rivalry, with implications for regional stability.

India’s position reflects a broader shift in its strategic calculus. By asserting control over its water resources, New Delhi signals both domestic resolve and geopolitical leverage. Pakistan’s warnings of “serious consequences” highlight its vulnerability, but also its determination to resist what it sees as encroachment.

The Indus basin, sustaining hundreds of millions of people, is now at the centre of a renewed confrontation. What was once hailed as a model of cooperation has become a potential trigger for conflict. The rhetoric of “not a drop” and “act of war” illustrates how water, the most basic of resources, has become entwined with national security and survival in South Asia.

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Lt Gen Rajiv Ghai Appointed Military Adviser To NSCS, First Serving Officer In Role

Lieutenant General Rajiv Ghai, currently serving as the Deputy Chief of the Indian Army, has been appointed as the new Military Adviser to the National Security Council Secretariat.

This marks the first time that a serving officer has been chosen for the position, which is headed by National Security Adviser Ajit Doval. His appointment is significant as it reflects a shift in the government’s approach to strengthening the advisory role within the NSCS by placing an active officer in the position.

Lt Gen Ghai was the Director General of Military Operations during Operation Sindoor last year, a critical assignment that underscored his operational acumen. His tenure as Military Adviser will extend until December 2027, and he is expected to assume charge shortly, following his appointment earlier this week.

This move comes after General N. S. Raja Subramani, now the Chief of Defence Staff, previously held the same post. Before Subramani, Air Marshal Sandeep Singh and General Anil Chauhan had served as Military Advisers.

The role of Military Adviser to the NSCS was revived in 2018 under the Narendra Modi government, with Lt Gen Vinod Khandare being the first to hold the position in this era. Earlier, Lt Gen Prakash Menon had been appointed in 2012 and served until 2014.

He later continued his association with the NSCS as Officer on Special Duty from 2015 to 2017, reporting directly to Ajit Doval. The continuity of appointments highlights the importance of the role in shaping India’s national security strategy.

Lt Gen Ghai’s career trajectory is notable. Although he could have aspired to become an Army Commander, he lacked the seniority and residual service required for the position. After commanding his Corps, he was appointed DGMO and subsequently elevated to Deputy Chief of the Army. His new role as Military Adviser ensures his continued involvement in strategic decision-making at the highest levels of national security.

Commissioned into the Kumaon Regiment, Lt Gen Ghai has held several key commands during his career. He has led an infantry battalion in the western sector, commanded an independent brigade in the central sector, and served as General Officer Commanding of the 56th Infantry Division in Arunachal Pradesh.

His most prominent command was of the Srinagar-based 15 Corps, a critical formation responsible for operations in Jammu and Kashmir. These assignments have given him extensive operational experience across diverse theatres, making him well-suited for his new advisory role.

The appointment of a serving officer as Military Adviser is expected to bring sharper operational insights into the NSCS, aligning military perspectives more closely with national security policymaking. It also reflects the government’s emphasis on integrating active military leadership into strategic advisory positions, ensuring that operational realities are factored into long-term planning.

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CDS General Raja Subramani Stresses Jointness, Self-Reliance And Innovation At Western Air Command

Chief of Defence Staff General N.S. Raja Subramani undertook his maiden visit to the Headquarters of the Western Air Command, where he engaged with senior leadership of the Indian Air Force to deliberate on the future trajectory of India’s military transformation.

The visit was marked by a strong emphasis on the principles of Jointness, Atmanirbharta and Innovation, which he described as the three pillars of building a modern, integrated and future-ready military force.

On arrival, General Subramani was received by Air Marshal George Thomas, the Air Officer Commanding-in-Chief of the Western Air Command. He was comprehensively briefed on the command’s operational responsibilities, its readiness levels and the ongoing initiatives aimed at enhancing capabilities.

This interaction provided him with a detailed overview of the operational posture of one of the most strategically significant commands of the Indian Air Force.

In his address to officers at the headquarters, the CDS underscored the transformative power of JAI — Jointness, Atmanirbharta and Innovation. He highlighted the growing importance of joint operations and inter-service integration in countering emerging security challenges.

Stressing the need for enhanced synergy among the Army, Navy and Air Force, he noted that such integration is vital for strengthening India’s defence preparedness and operational effectiveness in an increasingly complex environment.

General Subramani reiterated the significance of self-reliance in defence, aligning his message with the national vision of Atmanirbhar Bharat. He called for accelerated efforts in indigenous capability development and technological innovation, encouraging the Armed Forces to leverage domestic expertise and innovation to reduce dependence on foreign defence technologies.

His remarks reflected the broader national drive to build sovereign defence capabilities across aerospace, cyber, electronic warfare and advanced weapons systems.

The CDS also drew attention to Human Resource Capital as the ultimate force multiplier. He emphasised that the strength, professionalism and adaptability of military personnel form the foundation of combat effectiveness.

He urged investment in leadership development, training and skill enhancement to prepare the Armed Forces for future operational environments characterised by rapid technological change and multi-domain warfare.

The visit underscored the Armed Forces’ commitment to jointness, technological advancement and self-reliance as key drivers of India’s military modernisation. It reaffirmed the collective resolve to build an integrated and capable defence force prepared to meet the challenges of an evolving security landscape. 

The symbolism of the CDS’s maiden visit to the Western Air Command also highlighted the importance of air power in joint operations and the need for seamless coordination across services.

General Subramani’s emphasis on innovation resonates with India’s ongoing efforts to integrate artificial intelligence, unmanned systems, and advanced aerospace technologies into its defence architecture.

His call for synergy between human capital and technological advancement reflects a holistic approach to military transformation, ensuring that India’s Armed Forces remain agile, resilient and future-ready.

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J&K CM Omar Abdullah Presses Modi For Return of J&K Statehood At Delhi Meeting

Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister Omar Abdullah raised the issue of Statehood during his meeting with Prime Minister Narendra Modi in New Delhi on Thursday, 11 June 2026.

The discussion centred on the restoration of Statehood, which remains a core demand of the National Conference (NC), the ruling party in Jammu and Kashmir.

Mr Abdullah emphasised that the early return of Statehood was essential for political stability and democratic representation in the region. He also highlighted matters concerning the economy, the pace of development, and the promotion of tourism, noting that these areas required urgent attention and support from the Union Government.

The NC has announced plans to stage a protest in Delhi on the first day of the upcoming monsoon session of Parliament to press for the restoration of Statehood.

Mr Abdullah, in a post on X, confirmed that he had discussed these issues with the Prime Minister and reiterated the importance of accelerating economic growth, strengthening connectivity, generating employment, expanding infrastructure, and enhancing public welfare across Jammu and Kashmir.

He also congratulated Mr Modi for completing 12 uninterrupted years in office, acknowledging the continuity of leadership at the national level.

An official spokesman stated that the Chief Minister underscored the need for sustained assistance from the Government of India to ensure that Jammu and Kashmir could achieve its developmental goals. The emphasis was placed on infrastructure expansion, job creation, and welfare measures, which are seen as vital for the region’s progress. Mr Abdullah’s intervention reflects the NC’s determination to keep the demand for Statehood at the forefront of political discourse.

Earlier in the day, NC president Farooq Abdullah addressed a gathering in Srinagar, where he reaffirmed the party’s commitment to a constitutional struggle for the restoration of Statehood and rights. He stressed that all political parties in Jammu and Kashmir were united on this demand, describing unity as the need of the hour.

On the planned protest in Delhi, he clarified that the NC did not intend to invite any party formally, but welcomed those who wished to join. He argued that the Lieutenant Governor, appointed by Delhi, currently holds most of the powers that should rightly belong to the elected government, thereby undermining democratic governance in the region.

Farooq Abdullah further remarked that the political situation in Jammu and Kashmir would remain unstable until the commitments made at the time of the region’s Accession to India were honoured.

He recalled that Jammu and Kashmir had joined India under certain conditions, and insisted that those conditions should be reviewed and respected. He maintained that honouring these commitments was essential to restoring trust and stability in the region.

The demand for Statehood has been a persistent issue since the abrogation of Article 370 in August 2019, which stripped Jammu and Kashmir of its special status and downgraded it to a Union Territory. 

Political parties across the spectrum have repeatedly called for the restoration of Statehood, arguing that it is necessary for democratic accountability and effective governance. The NC’s renewed push, combined with its planned protest in Delhi, signals a fresh phase in the ongoing struggle for constitutional and political rights in Jammu and Kashmir.

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