Tuesday, August 18, 2026

India’s Propulsion Puzzle: How A 'Tangled' Propulsion Plan Risks India’s Fifth-Gen Dream


India’s Advanced Medium Combat Aircraft is intended to become the country’s first indigenous fifth-generation fighter. It is expected to combine stealth, supercruise, advanced sensors, an internal weapons bay, network-centric warfare capabilities and the ability to perform both air-superiority and strike missions.

However, the aircraft’s most important subsystem remains unresolved.

India’s propulsion plan has gradually developed into a complicated chain of interim engines, revived indigenous projects, foreign partnerships and competing technology offers. Each initiative addresses a different requirement, but together they risk creating a fragmented roadmap for the AMCA.

The propulsion question is no longer merely about selecting an engine. It involves the aircraft’s design, production schedule, technology sovereignty, industrial capacity, operational availability and the credibility of India’s fifth-generation ambitions.

The AMCA received approval from the Cabinet Committee on Security in March 2024 for full-scale design and development. The sanctioned development effort, estimated at roughly ₹15,000–15,800 crore, covers the construction and testing of five prototypes. The first flight has been projected for around 2028–29, while series production and induction are expected during the mid-2030s. These timelines are demanding even for countries with mature fighter-engine industries.

India’s central difficulty is that the AMCA is being designed before the country has a proven high-thrust fighter engine of its own. The initial AMCA variant, generally referred to as the MK-1, is expected to use the American General Electric F414 engine. The same engine has been selected for the TEJAS MK-2 and is also expected to support other future Indian aircraft projects.

The F414 produces approximately 98–99 kilonewtons of thrust with afterburner. It is a mature and widely used powerplant, offering India a practical solution for getting the first AMCA aircraft into the air.

It also reduces technical risk during the early stages of aircraft development. A dependable imported engine would allow the Aeronautical Development Agency, Hindustan Aeronautics Limited and other Indian partners to focus on flight-control laws, stealth shaping, avionics, weapons integration and low-observable manufacturing.

Yet the F414 is not intended to be the definitive engine for the AMCA.

The aircraft’s heavier later versions will require a powerplant in the 110–125-kilonewton class. Such an engine would provide greater thrust, improved acceleration, better payload performance and more useful margins for supercruise and high-altitude operations. The AMCA MK-1 is therefore expected to serve as a bridge between the imported F414 and a future Indian-controlled engine.

That bridge is where the propulsion plan becomes vulnerable.

The most widely discussed pathway is a joint India-France engine project involving Safran and the Gas Turbine Research Establishment. The proposed engine is expected to produce approximately 110–120 kilonewtons of thrust, with some reports placing the initial design at around 120 kilonewtons.

The engine is intended to power the AMCA MK-2 and potentially other future Indian combat aircraft. It is also expected to involve Indian participation in design, development, testing, certification and production.

The proposed arrangement has attracted attention because India has long struggled to acquire access to the most sensitive parts of a fighter engine. The hot section, including the combustor, turbine blades, high-pressure turbine and associated materials and manufacturing processes, is the core of the technology challenge.

Previous foreign collaborations have often provided manufacturing opportunities without giving India complete control over these technologies. The Safran proposal is therefore significant not simply because of its thrust rating, but because of the expected depth of technology cooperation.

The project could give India an opportunity to develop capabilities in single-crystal turbine blades, thermal-barrier coatings, high-temperature alloys, precision casting, advanced compressors and digital engine control systems.

But the proposed engine is still a development project, not an operational powerplant.

A new fighter engine normally requires years of component testing, core testing, ground trials, altitude testing, afterburner qualification, flight testing, endurance trials and certification. It must also demonstrate reliability under demanding conditions before being cleared for a frontline fighter.

The aircraft cannot wait indefinitely for the new engine.

Reports have suggested that the Safran-linked engine could take close to a decade to mature. Some projections have placed initial testing towards the end of the 2020s, with flight integration in the 2030s and serial production around 2035 or later.

This creates a timing mismatch.

If the AMCA’s first prototype is to fly by 2028–29, it will almost certainly require the F414 or another already available engine. If the indigenous or jointly developed engine is delayed, early production aircraft could continue using the F414 for much longer than originally intended.

That would create an AMCA fleet with different engines, different performance levels and different maintenance requirements.

The first two squadrons could be powered by F414 engines, while later squadrons would use the new high-thrust engine. The Indian Air Force has reportedly considered an initial requirement of around seven squadrons, or approximately 126 aircraft.

Under such a structure, the first batch would not possess the same performance as later aircraft. The differences could affect acceleration, climb rate, payload, combat radius, fuel consumption, thermal management and mission endurance.

The problem would not necessarily make the aircraft ineffective. Many fighter fleets operate different blocks and engine variants. However, it would complicate logistics, training, spares, maintenance and upgrade planning.

The F414 itself may also pose a separate risk.

India and GE Aerospace have been negotiating arrangements for the engine’s production and technology transfer. The proposed agreement has been associated with manufacturing in India and a higher degree of local industrial participation.

However, reports have indicated that GE has sharply increased its quoted price for F414 engines. If confirmed, such an increase could affect the cost of the TEJAS MK-2 and the initial AMCA batch.

A higher engine price would place additional pressure on an aircraft already expected to be expensive. It could also force revisions to procurement quantities, production schedules or the financial architecture of the AMCA.

An imported engine creates another vulnerability: dependence on a foreign supplier for long-term availability, spares, upgrades and technical support. The issue is not only whether India can buy the first engines. It is whether it can secure a stable supply for decades while retaining sufficient authority over repairs, modifications and future performance improvements.

India’s experience with the Kaveri engine explains why the country is seeking several parallel options.

The Kaveri was conceived to power the Light Combat Aircraft. The project was sanctioned in the late 1980s with the objective of developing an afterburning low-bypass turbofan in the approximately 80-kilonewton class. It failed to achieve the required thrust-to-weight ratio and reliability within the timeline needed for the TEJAS. The aircraft consequently entered service with the American F404 engine, while later versions moved towards the F414.

The Kaveri’s difficulties reflected the broad complexity of modern fighter engines. India had to develop not only a complete turbofan, but also the materials, manufacturing techniques, test infrastructure and industrial ecosystem required to produce it consistently. The high-pressure turbine became one of the most difficult areas. Fighter engines operate in extreme temperatures and rotational speeds, demanding advanced metallurgy and exceptionally precise manufacturing.

The Kaveri effort was therefore not a simple failure of design. It exposed the wider weakness of India’s aerospace industrial base.

The program has not been abandoned completely.

The engine has continued to support technology development, including work on its core, afterburner and associated components. Recent reports have referred to Kaveri-related testing that achieved dry thrust of approximately 49 kilonewtons, while upgraded configurations have been discussed in the 80-kilonewton class with afterburner.

Such performance would still be below the requirement for the AMCA. Nevertheless, the technology could be relevant to unmanned combat aircraft, future demonstrators and an eventual derivative engine.

The Kaveri could also provide valuable experience for the next generation of indigenous propulsion projects. Its contribution may lie less in directly powering the AMCA and more in developing the design teams, test facilities, manufacturing processes and accumulated knowledge needed for a future engine.

This is where the idea of “Kaveri 2.0” becomes important.

A revived Kaveri effort could seek to develop a more viable turbofan by using an improved core, new materials, modern digital controls and foreign technical assistance. It could serve as a stepping stone towards an indigenous engine for unmanned combat aircraft or a future fighter.

However, reviving the project does not automatically solve the AMCA’s propulsion problem.

An 80-kilonewton-class engine would not be a direct substitute for a 120-kilonewton-class powerplant. Increasing thrust requires more than adding an improved afterburner. It demands a stronger compressor, a higher mass-flow core, better turbine cooling, improved materials and a powerplant architecture designed around significantly greater thermal and mechanical loads.

There is also a danger that too many parallel initiatives could consume resources without producing a deployable engine.

India is now considering or discussing several potential routes. These include the F414 for immediate requirements, the Safran-GTRE engine for the AMCA MK-2, the revived Kaveri effort for indigenous capability and a possible Rolls-Royce partnership for another high-thrust fighter engine.

Rolls-Royce has reportedly offered to jointly design and manufacture a new engine exceeding 120 kilonewtons of thrust. Its proposed timeline has included an engine core test by 2030, a first flight by 2034 and production by 2036, provided a contract is signed within the proposed time-frame.

The Rolls-Royce offer could provide India with an alternative to the Safran pathway. It could also strengthen India’s bargaining position by ensuring that New Delhi is not dependent on a single foreign partner.

At the same time, another partnership could make the overall propulsion plan even more complicated.

A contest between Safran and Rolls-Royce may generate better commercial and technology-transfer terms. It could encourage both companies to offer deeper access to intellectual property, local manufacturing and Indian ownership of the resulting engine.

But prolonged competition could also delay the final decision. The AMCA’s airframe design, engine bay, intake geometry, structural layout and thermal-management systems cannot be frozen indefinitely while the propulsion architecture remains unsettled.

The engine is not an interchangeable accessory.

Its dimensions, weight, airflow requirements, centre of gravity, exhaust temperature and power-generation capacity influence the entire aircraft. An aircraft designed around the F414 may require structural and aerodynamic changes to accommodate a larger 120-kilonewton engine.

If such changes are introduced late, they could affect the aircraft’s internal volume, stealth profile, fuel capacity, cooling system and maintenance architecture.

A late engine decision could therefore become an airframe problem.

The AMCA’s propulsion challenge is also connected to stealth. The aircraft’s engine faces must be concealed from radar, while the intakes must deliver stable airflow across different angles of attack and during high-speed manoeuvres.

The exhaust system must reduce infrared and radar signatures without imposing excessive performance penalties. The aircraft will also require advanced thermal management for its radar, electronic-warfare systems, mission computers and directed-energy or other high-power systems that may be introduced later.

A more powerful engine can provide the electrical and thermal margins needed for future upgrades. An undersized engine could leave the aircraft with limited growth potential.

This is why the choice between an interim and a definitive engine cannot be viewed only in terms of thrust.

India’s fifth-generation ambitions also depend on supercruise, although the exact performance objectives will depend on the final aircraft configuration, weapons load and mission profile. Supercruise requires sustained supersonic flight without afterburner, which places major demands on engine efficiency, aircraft drag and thermal management.

A powerplant designed primarily to meet a minimum thrust requirement may not deliver the necessary fuel efficiency or reliability for sustained high-speed operations.

The engine must also function across a wide range of conditions. Indian fighters will need to operate from hot and humid bases, high-altitude Himalayan airfields and maritime environments.

The engine must tolerate dust ingestion, rapid throttle changes, extended afterburner use and demanding sortie-generation rates. These requirements are especially important for a fighter intended to form the core of India’s future air-superiority fleet.

The AMCA’s propulsion uncertainty comes at a difficult time for the Indian Air Force.

The service is facing a shortage of fighter squadrons, while older MiG-21s have been retired and several MiG-29, Mirage 2000 and Jaguar aircraft are gradually approaching the later stages of their service lives.

The Su-30MKI remains the backbone of the force, but its numbers alone cannot compensate for the absence of sufficient modern medium-weight fighters.

The Tejas MK-1A, TEJAS MK-2, Rafale and AMCA are expected to fill different parts of the force structure. Delays in any one of these programs increase pressure on the others.

A delayed AMCA would therefore not be an isolated setback. It could widen the gap between the IAF’s planned and actual combat strength.

The aircraft’s schedule must also be viewed alongside the development of the TEJAS MK-2. Both aircraft are expected to rely on the F414 in their initial configurations.

That creates an opportunity as well as a risk.

A common engine could simplify training, maintenance, spares and industrial support. It could allow India to build a larger base of technicians and suppliers familiar with the F414.

However, placing two major aircraft programs on the same imported engine could increase supply-chain exposure. Any disruption involving price, export approval, production capacity or technical support could affect both fleets.

India’s industrial model for the AMCA adds another layer to the problem.

The government has been attempting to bring private-sector companies into the fighter-production ecosystem. TATA Advanced Systems, Larsen & Toubro and Bharat Forge have been among the companies discussed in connection with the wider industrial push.

A broader manufacturing base could improve production speed and introduce competition. It could also help develop the precision manufacturing capabilities needed for future engines.

Yet aircraft production and engine production require different skill sets. A company capable of assembling airframes or producing structural components may not immediately possess the expertise required to manufacture turbine disks, blisks, combustor liners or single-crystal blades.

The engine partnership must therefore be designed around long-term capability creation rather than final assembly alone.

Technology transfer must be evaluated with equal care.

The phrase “full technology transfer” can conceal important limitations. Access to technical documents does not necessarily provide the ability to reproduce every component independently.

India would need access to design tools, source codes, manufacturing recipes, material specifications, test data, failure-analysis methods and certification procedures. It would also need the legal authority to modify the engine and export or license derivatives in the future.

The most important question is who will own the intellectual property created during the partnership.

If India remains dependent on the foreign partner for every major upgrade, the country may achieve local production without achieving genuine propulsion sovereignty.

The partnership should also define responsibility for future variants. A 120-kilonewton engine may be adequate for the first AMCA MK-2 configuration, but future fighters could require 130–140 kilonewtons or more.

Some proposals have already discussed a later 140-kilonewton derivative for future fifth- and sixth-generation aircraft. If the initial partnership cannot support such growth, India could again face a capability gap when the next generation arrives.

The alternative is to create a family of engines based on a common core.

A common core could support different thrust classes through changes in fan diameter, compressor stages, turbine technology and afterburner configuration. It could power unmanned combat aircraft, medium fighters and heavier twin-engine platforms.

Such a family approach would make India’s investment more useful than a single engine designed only for one aircraft.

However, it would require an institutional commitment extending well beyond one procurement cycle.

India has often struggled with discontinuity in major technology projects. Changes in leadership, funding priorities, specifications and industrial partners can lead to delays and duplication.

A fighter-engine effort must survive changes in government, service requirements and foreign-policy conditions. It must be treated as a national technological mission rather than as a short-term acquisition.

The geopolitical dimension is also important.

France has been a significant defence partner for India and has generally maintained a more independent foreign-policy position than the United States. The Rafale relationship and wider strategic cooperation have created a degree of trust between New Delhi and Paris.

The United States, meanwhile, offers access to mature technology and a large aerospace ecosystem, but American export controls and regulatory conditions remain important considerations.

The United Kingdom, through Rolls-Royce, brings a long history of military-engine design and could offer a separate route to high-thrust propulsion.

India’s choice will therefore reflect both engineering considerations and strategic diplomacy. The preferred partner must be judged not only by its promises, but also by its willingness to share critical technology and support Indian control over the life cycle of the engine.

A multi-partner approach could help India avoid dependence on one country. But it could also spread scarce technical talent and management capacity too thinly.

The danger is that India may end up with a collection of partial achievements: one engine for early AMCA aircraft, another proposal for later aircraft, a revived indigenous engine that remains below target and a fourth partnership still under negotiation.

That would be a tangled propulsion plan rather than a coherent national engine strategy.

A clear hierarchy is needed.

The F414 should be treated as a defined interim powerplant with a fixed role and a clear exit plan. The high-thrust Safran-GTRE or Rolls-Royce engine should be selected through a time-bound process and linked to firm milestones.

The Kaveri should be assigned realistic objectives instead of being presented as an immediate replacement for the F414 or the future 120-kilonewton engine.

India must also decide whether it wants a foreign-assisted engine with Indian production or a genuinely Indian-controlled engine developed over a longer period. The two goals overlap, but they are not identical.

The first can deliver an operational capability sooner. The second offers greater strategic autonomy but demands more time, money, infrastructure and tolerance for failure.

The most practical solution may be a staged approach.

India could proceed with the F414-powered AMCA MK-1 while simultaneously developing a high-thrust engine with a foreign partner. In parallel, it could continue indigenous core and materials work through the Kaveri and related technology programs.

The objective should be to ensure that each project feeds the next one.

The F414 phase should develop aircraft manufacturing, flight testing, systems integration and fleet-support capacity. The foreign partnership should concentrate on the hot section, high-temperature materials and high-thrust core. The indigenous effort should develop the ability to design, test and modify future engines without permanent foreign dependence.

Such an approach would still involve risk, but the risk would be structured rather than accidental.

The first major test will be whether India can keep the AMCA’s prototype schedule separate from the high-thrust engine schedule.

If the first prototype is delayed because the final engine has not been selected, the entire aircraft program could slip. If the prototype uses the F414 but the airframe is not designed for a smooth transition to the larger engine, later variants could suffer expensive redesigns.

The second test will be whether the first production aircraft enter service in meaningful numbers.

A limited initial batch would provide valuable operational experience, but it would not resolve the IAF’s force-structure problem. The AMCA must move from prototypes to serial production without the long delays that have affected earlier Indian aircraft projects.

The third test will be engine reliability.

Even if the new engine achieves its advertised thrust, it must demonstrate acceptable time between overhauls, maintainability, durability and sortie generation. A fighter engine that delivers high performance but requires excessive maintenance would impose a severe burden on the IAF.

The fourth test will be industrial.

India must demonstrate that the engine can be manufactured repeatedly to consistent quality standards. A prototype engine and a production engine are not the same achievement.

The fifth test will be political.

The government must maintain funding and institutional focus through a development period that will extend across multiple defence budgets. The project will inevitably encounter failures, redesigns and cost increases.

A successful propulsion strategy must therefore include realistic milestones and transparent accountability.

India’s fifth-generation fighter dream is not threatened by the use of an imported engine in the first AMCA variant. Many countries have introduced new aircraft with foreign powerplants before developing or integrating indigenous engines.

The real danger lies in allowing the interim solution to become permanent without a credible transition plan. Nor is the revival of Kaveri inherently a distraction. It can serve as an important technology base if its goals are carefully defined and linked to future engines.

The problem arises when every engine initiative is treated as though it can independently solve the entire propulsion challenge.

The AMCA needs one integrated roadmap covering the F414, the high-thrust foreign-assisted engine, Kaveri-derived technologies, industrial participation, testing infrastructure and future engine derivatives.

Without that roadmap, India risks repeating the cycle of delayed decisions, shifting partnerships and incomplete technology acquisition. The aircraft’s stealth design, avionics and weapons will attract most public attention. But the engine will determine how much of the aircraft’s promise can be converted into operational capability. A fifth-generation fighter with inadequate thrust, limited growth margin or prolonged dependence on foreign suppliers would be a sophisticated airframe with a strategic weakness at its centre.

India’s propulsion puzzle can still be solved.

The country has access to a mature interim engine, strong international interest, an expanding aerospace industry and decades of accumulated experience from the Kaveri effort. It also has a clear operational requirement for a high-thrust fighter engine.

What is missing is not a lack of options.

It is a disciplined decision on which option will lead, which ones will support it and what milestones will determine success.

The AMCA can become the foundation of India’s future combat-aircraft industry, but only if its propulsion plan evolves from a collection of overlapping proposals into a single, properly sequenced strategy. Otherwise, the aircraft’s fifth-generation ambitions could remain trapped by the very technology that is supposed to give it speed, range and combat power.

IDN (With Agency Inputs)


Indian Navy Set To Expand BrahMos Deployment Across Warships By 2030


The Indian Navy is rapidly expanding its BrahMos missile capability, with around 20 frontline warships now armed and plans to equip nearly all major surface combatants by 2030. Over the past year alone, more than six BrahMos-capable vessels have joined the fleet, marking a decisive step in India’s maritime strike power.

The Navy has steadily increased the deployment of BrahMos supersonic cruise missiles across its frontline warships. These missiles, capable of flying at Mach 2.8 and striking targets with pinpoint precision, are now integrated into nearly 20 surface combatants.

The expansion reflects India’s determination to build a future-ready Navy with formidable sea-denial and strike capabilities.

Over the past year, more than six warships armed with BrahMos have been inducted. This includes the commissioning of INS Mahendragiri, the sixth Nilgiri-class stealth frigate under Project-17A. Built with over 75 per cent indigenous content, Mahendragiri carries eight BrahMos missiles and advanced combat systems, reinforcing India’s self-reliance in naval shipbuilding.

The adoption of Integrated Modular Construction has halved delivery timelines, enabling India to commission six frigates in just 18 months.

The Nilgiri-class frigates, including INS Nilgiri, Udaygiri, Himgiri, Taragiri, Dunagiri, and Mahendragiri, represent a new generation of stealth warships. Each is equipped with BrahMos missiles, medium-range surface-to-air missiles, anti-submarine warfare systems, and embarked helicopters. Their integration significantly enhances India’s maritime combat reach in the Indian Ocean Region.

Parallel to frigate induction, India is advancing the Next Generation Missile Vessels (NGMVs). Six of these high-speed corvettes, designed for coastal strike operations, will carry BrahMos missiles and are expected to join the fleet from 2027 onwards.

Built by Cochin Shipyard Limited, they will feature advanced sensors, layered defences, and propulsion systems enabling speeds above 33 knots, optimised for rapid strike and withdrawal tactics.

The Navy’s plan is to ensure that by 2030, almost every major surface combatant — destroyers, frigates, and missile corvettes — will be BrahMos-capable. This includes upgrades to existing platforms and integration into new classes under construction. The expansion is part of the broader MAHASAGAR vision, which seeks to transform India into a dominant maritime power with indigenous design and manufacturing at its core.

The BrahMos missile itself remains the backbone of India’s naval strike capability. With its two-stage propulsion system and sea-skimming terminal trajectory, it is designed to defeat advanced air defence systems. Future variants, including extended-range versions up to 800 kilometres and hypersonic models exceeding Mach 5, are under development. These will further enhance the Navy’s ability to project power across the Indo-Pacific.

India’s naval-industrial ecosystem has played a crucial role in this expansion. More than 200 Indian industries, including MSMEs, have contributed to the construction of Project-17A frigates. Indigenous propulsion, sensors, and combat systems are being integrated, reducing dependence on foreign suppliers and aligning with the Atmanirbhar Bharat initiative.

By 2030, the Indian Navy’s frontline fleet will be dominated by BrahMos-equipped warships. This transformation will provide unmatched strike flexibility, deterrence against regional adversaries, and reinforce India’s position as a leading maritime power in Asia.

Agencies


Agni-V Missile Advances With Composite Casings, New Hi-Tech Components And MIRV Capability


India’s Agni-V ballistic missile has undergone a significant transformation with the development of the advanced variant often referred to as Agni-V MK-2, but officially recognised as Agni-V. This missile represents a major leap in India’s strategic deterrence capabilities, combining proven design with cutting-edge engineering improvements.

It is a three-stage, road-mobile, cannisterised, cold-launched ballistic missile, incorporating a Post Boost Vehicle for precise deployment of multiple warheads. The system is MIRV capable, allowing three or more independently targetable re-entry vehicles to be carried on a single missile, greatly enhancing its deterrence value.

One of the most notable improvements is the replacement of the maraging steel casing of the first stage with a carbon composite casing manufactured using filament winding technology. This marks India’s largest composite casing to date, reflecting the country’s growing expertise in advanced materials engineering.

The use of carbon composites extends to all motor casings, inter-stages, and the nose cone, resulting in substantial weight savings compared to the baseline Agni-V, which weighed around fifty tons. These weight reductions improve range, payload flexibility, and overall efficiency.

Another critical advancement is the adoption of electromechanical actuators for flex nozzle control across all stages. Earlier versions relied on electro-hydraulic systems, which were heavier and more complex.

The shift to electromechanical actuators not only reduces weight but also enhances reliability, precision, and maintainability. This innovation aligns with global trends in missile engineering, where simplicity and robustness are prioritised to ensure survivability under combat conditions.

Stage separation has also been refined with the introduction of retro rocket motor-assisted nose cone jettison. While stage separation existed in earlier versions, this improvement ensures cleaner and more reliable separation events, reducing the risk of anomalies during flight.

The missile’s cannisterised launch system further enhances survivability by enabling rapid deployment, mobility, and protection against environmental factors, ensuring readiness in diverse operational scenarios.

The Agni-V missile’s MIRV capability represents a strategic breakthrough. By carrying multiple warheads capable of striking different targets, a single missile can overwhelm missile defence systems and deliver assured retaliation.

This capability is particularly significant in the context of layered ballistic missile defence systems being developed by major powers. India’s focus on MIRV technology reflects its determination to maintain credible deterrence against adversaries equipped with advanced defensive shields.

The weight savings achieved through composite materials and electromechanical actuators directly contribute to improved manoeuvrability and penetration capabilities.

Combined with the Post Boost Vehicle, the missile can deploy warheads with precision, using manoeuvrable re-entry vehicles to bypass layered defences.

This ensures that even in the presence of advanced interception systems, India retains the ability to deliver a decisive second strike, reinforcing its doctrine of credible minimum deterrence under a No First Use policy.

The Agni-V missile is not merely an evolution of the Agni-V but a demonstration of India’s technological maturity in strategic weapons development.

It integrates lessons from decades of missile research under the Integrated Guided Missile Development Program, while also incorporating innovations from India’s civilian space sector.

The emphasis on indigenous materials, advanced guidance systems, and survivability features underscores India’s ability to overcome technology denial regimes and sanctions that historically constrained its progress.

Strategically, the Agni-V missile addresses India’s security concerns in a rapidly evolving global environment. While shorter-range systems cover Pakistan, the longer-range Agni variants are designed with China in mind, ensuring deterrence against its expanding missile arsenal and infrastructure.

The MIRV capability, combined with survivability features, signals India’s readiness to operate in a world where hypersonic weapons, space-based surveillance, and layered missile defences are becoming dominant features of warfare.

The development of Agni-V also reflects India’s broader ambition to establish itself as a technologically advanced power capable of safeguarding its sovereignty in an uncertain global order.

From the first Agni demonstrator in 1989 to today’s MIRV-enabled systems, the missile program has consistently expanded India’s deterrence reach and strategic confidence.

The latest advancements highlight a shift from simply achieving range to ensuring survivability, precision, and penetration, which are the hallmarks of modern strategic deterrence.

Agencies


NavIC Reboots: NVS-03 Poised For September Lift-Off


India’s navigation system NavIC is preparing for a strong comeback with the scheduled launch of NVS-03 in early September.

This satellite marks a crucial step in restoring the constellation after a series of setbacks. Senior officials have confirmed that NVS-03 is fully ready at the Sriharikota spaceport, with the launch window opening in the first week of September.

The exact date will be announced soon, but expectations are high that this mission will mark ISRO’s return to successful operations after nearly seven months without a launch.

Union Science and Technology and Space Minister Dr Jitendra Singh told the Lok Sabha earlier this month that NVS-03 is ready. He added that NVS-04 and NVS-05 will follow, with GISAT-1A, also known as EOS-05, scheduled a few weeks later. GISAT-1A is an advanced Earth-imaging satellite capable of monitoring Indian territory almost in real time, supporting weather forecasting, disaster management, and border surveillance.

NavIC, India’s own version of GPS, GLONASS, Galileo, and BeiDou, was designed to reduce dependence on foreign systems. It provides signals to phones, cars, ships, aircraft, and other devices, enabling precise location services.

Farmers, fishermen, railway operators, and defence forces all benefit from such a system. However, NavIC is currently below operational strength, as several older satellites have weakened or stopped transmitting reliable signals.

The system has faced multiple setbacks. In January 2025, the NVS-02 mission only partly succeeded, failing to reach its intended orbit. Earlier, in 2016, the atomic clocks on IRNSS-1A stopped working, undermining the constellation’s reliability.

IRNSS-1H, launched in 2017 to replace the failed satellite, also failed to reach orbit due to a heat shield malfunction. Out of eleven NavIC satellites launched, eight remain in orbit, but only three are currently providing proper navigation signals.

This year has been especially difficult, with ISRO’s first launch attempt in January 2026 failing to place satellites into orbit. NVS-03 will therefore be closely watched as ISRO’s second attempt of the year.

NVS-03 represents a major technological upgrade. It belongs to the second generation of NavIC satellites and carries an indigenously developed rubidium atomic clock, designed by the Space Applications Centre in Ahmedabad.

Earlier satellites relied on imported clocks, which often failed. Atomic clocks are critical for navigation, as even a billionth-of-a-second error can cause large positional inaccuracies. The new Indian clock promises greater reliability and stability, reducing the risk of sudden failures.

The satellite also transmits signals across three frequency bands – L5, S, and the new L1 band. The L1 band is widely used by GPS and is compatible with most smartphones, fitness bands, and low-power devices.

This ensures that NavIC signals can be received by everyday consumer electronics without requiring specialised chips.

NVS-03 is designed for a twelve-year operational life, longer than the ten-year lifespan of first-generation satellites. It weighs around 2,250 kilograms and will be launched aboard a GSLV MK-II rocket. Engineers have incorporated improved bi-propellant systems and corrective measures learned from the NVS-02 mission to ensure orbital success.

Once NVS-03 joins the constellation, NavIC will move closer to the minimum of four satellites required for independent positioning services. More satellites will follow, extending coverage across India and up to 1,500 kilometres beyond its borders.

Civilian users will benefit from clearer and more accurate location data, while defence forces will gain secure, encrypted signals. With indigenous atomic clocks, longer lifespan, and wider compatibility, NVS-03 marks a decisive step towards India’s goal of a self-reliant navigation system.

Agencies


The Strategic Value of India’s Nuclear Autonomy


by Adithya M Nair

The world is undergoing its most profound transformation since the Cold War. Countries are forging new alliances, signing fresh defence pacts, exchanging advanced military equipment, and intensifying competition, all while being under the nuclear shadow.

Nowhere is this shift clearer than among nuclear powers, where longstanding rivalries are increasingly managed through formal alliances and extended deterrence.

Yet, India presents a striking exception. Despite possessing nuclear weapons and having one of the strongest militaries in the world, India remains uncommitted to any formal mutual defence alliance and is committed to its policy of strategic autonomy, a rare phenomenon in today’s changing landscape.

Among today’s nuclear armed middle-powers, alignment is the norm rather than the exception. France, though fiercely independent, is embedded in NATO and is obligated to provide military support to allies.

Moreover, it recently extended its nuclear deterrence to other European allies, to protect their “vital interests”. The United Kingdom, another middle power, is similarly a NATO member and is legally obligated to protect its allies and is locked into US led security architectures.

In East Asia, Japan and South Korea, who are both middle powers, operate under a nuclear deterrence umbrella offered by the United States.

Even Israel, a de-facto nuclear state, operates in close strategic partnership with the United States, while Pakistan has recently deepened security ties with Turkey and Saudi Arabia, under the Mecca Pact, where it has agreed to extend its nuclear umbrella. (While no direct statement on nuclear deterrence is in the agreement, it can be noted that an attack on Saudi Arabia or Turkey, implicitly invokes the weight of Pakistan's entire military posture, creating a psychological nuclear deterrent even without a formal legal promise).

While North Korea is not a conventional middle-power, it has a strong military and currently has a military partnership with Russia while maintaining close relationship with China.

India, by contrast, combines strategic partnership while refusing NATO-style alliances, as it believes that such an alliance will drag the country into unnecessary conflicts and reduces the flexibility in decision making.

While India continues to be a part of partnerships like the QUAD and has signed the RELOS agreement with Russia, which allows it to station over 3000 troops in Russia and vice versa, it refuses to take a side in global conflicts. In practice, this means that India’s nuclear weapons remain an instrument of last resort, detached from extended deterrence arrangements and formal collective-defence structures.

This places India in a fundamentally different position than the other nuclear armed middle-powers, as its nuclear arsenal is used to deter threats to itself and is not committed to protecting any other nation through an extended nuclear deterrent.

This becomes increasingly important as nuclear weapons become embedded in broader security architectures, implicitly or explicitly. Nuclear weapons therefore provide India with strategic independence, but they also impose upon New Delhi the full responsibility of maintaining that independence, through Atmanirbharta (Self-Reliance).

The absence of such a network of alliances may provide India with unusual strategic advantages. This allows India to maintain relationships with competing nuclear powers without directly getting entangled in their completion.

As India continues to become a new “pole” in an increasingly multipolar world, this flexibility could allow it to become a strategic partner that competing powers have an incentive to cultivate rather than an ally whose support can be taken for granted.

India, by remaining outside formal military blocs, can potentially engage with multiple centres of power simultaneously and extract benefits from their competition. Its partnerships with the United States, Russia, Europe and other powers need not be mutually exclusive as long as New Delhi retains the ability to define its own red lines.

A stronger India won’t just be another player reacting to great-power rivalry, rather it will increasingly be one of the powers others have to factor into their own strategies. That makes India an attractive partner for the major powers, each of which will be tempted to pull it closer into their security architectures.

India could potentially benefit from this competition without formally joining either side. Its strategic value would lie precisely in its ability to cooperate with competing powers while retaining the freedom to withdraw, refuse or redirect that cooperation when its national interests require it.

The biggest challenge for India will be to preserve this autonomy without risking isolation. The pressure to pick a side will only grow as competition between states grows.

India’s ability to sustain its policy of strategic autonomy depends on whether its value as an independent pole outweighs the risk of operating without a formal security guarantor in a crisis.

This is sustainable only if India maintains enough relative economic and military weight to ensure that major powers are forced to respect its red lines.

Adithya M Nair is a seasoned analyst and commentator on foreign policy and defence affairs, with a reputation for incisive insights into the shifting dynamics of global security


India To Spend $16 Billion On Tactical Communication Systems, $2.3 Billion For Maritime Communications


India is projected to spend a massive $16 billion on tactical communication systems between 2025 and 2035, with $2.3 billion allocated specifically for maritime communication systems.

This investment reflects India’s growing emphasis on secure naval communications amid rising Indo-Pacific tensions and its push for indigenous defence programs.

India’s tactical communication procurement plan for the decade 2025–2035 is one of the largest in its defence modernisation drive. The total expenditure is expected to reach $16 billion, covering land, air, and maritime domains.

Of this, maritime communication systems will account for $2.3 billion, representing about 14.5% of the total. This allocation underscores the importance of naval communications in safeguarding India’s maritime interests.

The maritime share is particularly significant given India’s expanding naval fleet and the increasing complexity of operations in the Indian Ocean Region. The country faces challenges from grey-zone activities, electronic warfare threats, and contested sea lanes involving rival forces such as China and Pakistan. Secure and resilient communication systems are therefore critical to maintaining operational tempo and reducing vulnerability to disruption.

India has already initiated cooperative projects to strengthen naval communications. The UNICORN pact with Japan, signed in 2026, aims to develop next-generation warship communication systems. 

These systems will be manufactured in India by Bharat Electronics Limited, ensuring local production and supply-chain resilience. The technology builds on Japan’s Mogami-class frigates and is expected to be deployed on India’s Project-17B frigates and Project 18 destroyers. Such collaborations highlight India’s pragmatic approach to combining industrial cooperation with operational capability.

The Defence Acquisition Council has also approved major procurements that include high-frequency software-defined radios for the Navy. These radios enhance secure long-range communication during maritime operations and boarding missions. Leasing of high-altitude long-endurance drones further complements communication systems by providing continuous surveillance and intelligence over the Indian Ocean Region.

India’s tactical communication investments are not limited to maritime systems. Land-based platforms remain the revenue anchor, accounting for nearly 44% of expenditure, driven by radar systems, battlefield electronic countermeasures, and tactical communication protection.

Airborne systems are projected to grow fastest, with combat aircraft modernisation and airborne surveillance expanding their share. Maritime systems, while smaller in proportion, are essential for fleet-wide integration and interoperability.

The emphasis on maritime communications also aligns with India’s broader strategic programs under Aatmanirbhar Bharat. By prioritising indigenous solutions, India aims to reduce dependence on foreign suppliers and ensure that critical technologies remain under national control.

Localised support ecosystems, trusted component sourcing, and certified integration processes are being developed to sustain these systems across multiple naval platforms.

The global context reinforces India’s choices. Supply-chain disruptions and tighter controls on sensitive technologies worldwide have prompted defence stakeholders to diversify suppliers and shorten repair cycles.

India’s investment in maritime communication systems is therefore both a strategic necessity and an industrial opportunity.

In the long term, these procurements will enhance India’s ability to conduct joint maritime patrols, secure command and control, and maintain interoperability with allied navies.

The systems will support decision-making under contested conditions, ensuring that India’s naval forces remain resilient and effective in the Indo-Pacific theatre.

Agencies


AlphaX Aerospace Unveils A Concept SkyRover Tactical Electric VTOL For Defence And ISR Missions


AlphaX Aerospace has unveiled the SkyRover Tactical, an indigenous electric vertical take-off and landing aircraft designed specifically for defence and ISR missions.

The announcement marks a significant step in India’s growing focus on advanced aerial mobility solutions tailored for military and intelligence applications.

The SkyRover Tactical adopts a tiltrotor-inspired electric design, combining the vertical lift advantages of helicopters with the speed and range of fixed-wing aircraft. This hybrid approach is intended to deliver operational flexibility across diverse mission profiles, particularly in contested or infrastructure-limited environments.

The aircraft is projected to achieve a range of approximately 800 kilometres, a notable figure for an electric-powered platform. With a cruise speed between 300 and 350 kilometres per hour, the SkyRover Tactical is positioned to provide rapid deployment capabilities for surveillance and tactical operations.

Capacity has been optimised to accommodate between six and twelve passengers, enabling both personnel transport and specialised mission payloads. This versatility ensures the aircraft can support troop movement, command and control operations, or intelligence teams in forward areas.

The platform is being designed with a strong emphasis on intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance roles. Its electric propulsion system is expected to reduce acoustic signatures, enhancing stealth during sensitive missions.

The tiltrotor-inspired configuration also allows for vertical take-off and landing in confined spaces, expanding deployment options in rugged terrain or urban environments.

At present, the SkyRover Tactical remains at the concept stage. AlphaX Aerospace is focusing on refining its design and exploring partnerships to accelerate development.

The company’s initiative reflects the broader trend of Indian start-ups entering the defence aerospace sector with indigenous, high-technology solutions.

The unveiling of this concept highlights India’s ambition to integrate electric propulsion into tactical aviation. It also underscores the growing role of private-sector innovation in complementing state-backed defence programs, particularly in areas such as ISR where rapid technological adaptation is critical.

Agencies


Milestone Achieved At Gorakhpur Haryana Nuclear Power Project

A file photo showing the Kudankulam Nuclear Power Plant under construction near Chennai

The Gorakhpur Haryana Anu Vidyut Pariyojana has marked a significant milestone with the commencement of the first pour of concrete for the Emergency Core Cooling System pit of Nuclear Building‑01. This event took place on 14 August 2026 and represents a defining step in the construction of GHAVP Units 1 and 2.

The project comprises two 700 MWe nuclear power units in Haryana.

The achievement follows the completion of critical preparatory activities, including the resolution of geotechnical and foundation challenges, qualification of foundation piles, and the receipt of necessary regulatory clearances.

These steps were essential before nuclear‑grade construction could begin. The first pour involves approximately 280 tons of reinforcement steel and 450 cubic metres of specially designed nuclear‑grade concrete.

The concrete placement is being carried out under stringent quality and construction controls, reflecting the safety and precision requirements associated with nuclear facilities.

Such measures ensure that the integrity of the ECCS pit meets the highest standards.

The ECCS is a vital safety system in nuclear power plants. It is designed to provide cooling to the reactor core under specified emergency conditions. The start of concrete placement for the ECCS pit therefore represents not only a construction milestone but also a major advancement in the safety infrastructure of GHAVP Units 1 and 2.

This achievement follows the successful completion of challenging foundation‑related work, including pile qualification and regulatory processes. It demonstrates the coordinated efforts of engineers, regulators, and construction teams in advancing India’s nuclear program.

The GHAVP project is part of India’s ongoing expansion of nuclear power capacity. With a design capacity of 2×700 MWe, the project will contribute significantly to India’s long‑term energy security and clean energy goals. The latest construction progress reflects the engineering and regulatory work required before major nuclear‑grade construction activities can proceed.

Located in Gorakhpur, Haryana, the project is being developed by the Nuclear Power Corporation of India Limited. The milestone underscores India’s commitment to expanding its nuclear fleet with indigenous reactor technology, strengthening its ability to generate reliable low‑carbon electricity.

The commencement of the ECCS pit construction marks another step forward in the development of GHAVP Units 1 and 2. It highlights the importance of meticulous planning, regulatory compliance, and engineering precision in nuclear power projects. As construction advances, the project will play a crucial role in India’s energy transition and its pursuit of sustainable development.

Agencies


Bangladesh Links Rahman’s India Visit To Hasina Extradition, Praises China’s Energy Role While Overlooking Indian Diesel Aid


Bangladesh on Sunday linked Prime Minister Tarique Rahman’s proposed visit to New Delhi with the extradition of his predecessor Sheikh Hasina, India Today reported.

This move added a fresh hurdle to efforts by both sides to inject momentum into bilateral ties. Dhaka’s position was conveyed by a government spokesperson, who stressed that India should create “a propitious environment” for the visit by expeditiously acting on its extradition request.

Rahman, in a recent speech, made no mention of India’s supply of 7,000 tons of diesel under an agreement to provide Bangladesh with 1,80,000 tons this year to help address its energy crisis. 

Instead, he highlighted cooperation with China and Malaysia to deal with severe shortages. His silence on India’s aid contrasted with Dhaka’s praise for Beijing’s support in the energy sector.

If Rahman decides against visiting New Delhi without progress on Hasina’s extradition, the earliest opportunity for him to meet Prime Minister Narendra Modi would be at the 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly in New York next month.

India had already prepared a series of deliverables for Rahman’s proposed visit, including soft loans, easing of trade and transit restrictions, and additional diesel supplies. New Delhi also hoped the meeting would add momentum to negotiations for a Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement and renewal of the Ganga Water Sharing Treaty, which expires on 11 December this year.

Dhaka, however, chose to link Rahman’s maiden visit as prime minister to India’s response on Hasina’s extradition. The Awami League supremo has been living in India since leaving Bangladesh in August 2024 after mass protests toppled her government.

Bangladesh’s Additional Foreign Secretary A K M Shahidul Karim reiterated that Dhaka had requested India to extradite Hasina and other fugitives, as well as hand over the accused killers of Shaheed Sharif Osman Hadi under the bilateral treaty.

Hasina was sentenced to death by a Bangladeshi court last year over the crackdown on protesters during the July–August 2024 unrest. India has maintained that hosting her is consistent with its tradition of providing refuge to those facing existential crises, and has conveyed that her presence would not impede engagement with Bangladesh.

Hadi, a prominent leader of the July 2024 uprising, was shot in Dhaka on 12 December 2025 and died six days later in Singapore while undergoing treatment.

In March this year, police in West Bengal arrested Faisal Karim Masud and Alamgir Hossain, accused of killing Hadi, after they sneaked into India. Dhaka has sought their extradition alongside its request concerning Hasina.

After Rahman’s Bangladesh Nationalist Party won the parliamentary elections and he was sworn in as prime minister earlier this year, India extended an invitation for him to visit. He was also invited to attend the outreach session of the BRICS summit in New Delhi in his capacity as BIMSTEC chair. 

Dhaka’s latest move to link the visit with Hasina’s extradition came amid India’s expectation that Rahman would undertake a bilateral visit late this month or early next month, even if he skipped the BRICS outreach.

Dhaka confirmed that discussions with New Delhi over the proposed visit were ongoing. However, it added that the process was “vitiated” by Hasina’s virtual interaction with journalists at the Foreign Correspondents’ Club of South Asia in New Delhi on 5 August, marking the second anniversary of her government’s fall. India clarified that the event was organised by a private media entity and had no government endorsement.

The developments underscore the complex interplay of politics, diplomacy, and energy cooperation shaping Bangladesh–India relations. While India has sought to strengthen ties through economic and energy support, Dhaka’s insistence on Hasina’s extradition has introduced a contentious dimension that could delay Rahman’s first official visit to New Delhi.

Agencis


Pak Navy’s Sea Sultan Maritime Patrol Aircraft Faces Major Delays, No Operational Service Expected Before 2030; Blames India For Delay


Pakistan Navy’s ambitious Sea Sultan long-range maritime patrol aircraft program has been hit by massive delays, with no chance of any operational service before 2030. Even flight testing of the aircraft has not yet begun, underscoring the scale of the setback.

Pakistan is blaming rising India–Italy ties as a major cause behind the delay, given that Italian defence major Leonardo is a key partner in the project.

The Sea Sultan is intended to replace Pakistan’s ageing fleet of P‑3C Orion planes. The project involves converting commercial Embraer Lineage 1000E business jets into militarised jet-powered surveillance and anti-submarine warfare platforms. The twin-engine airframe offers high transit speeds, an 8,500 km range, and an extended service ceiling compared to turboprop alternatives, making it a significant leap in capability.

The aircraft is designed for multiple roles including Intelligence, Surveillance, and Reconnaissance, Anti-Submarine Warfare, Anti-Surface Warfare, and Search and Rescue.

Modifications and mission system integration are being handled by international defence contractors, notably Leonardo of Italy and South Africa’s Paramount Group. Pakistan Navy initially acquired airframes for conversion and intends to scale the fleet up to ten aircraft over a phased modernising timeline.

The mission systems are planned to include advanced active electronically scanned array radar, such as Leonardo’s Seaspray series, electro-optical and infrared turrets, and magnetic anomaly detectors. The warfare suite is expected to feature sonobuoy launchers, electronic support measures, electronic intelligence receivers, and internal and external hardpoints for lightweight torpedoes and anti-ship missiles.

These systems would provide Pakistan Navy with faster response times and deeper regional reach across the Arabian Sea and northern Indian Ocean compared to older turboprop patrol craft.

The delays have strategic implications. Pakistan’s inability to bring the Sea Sultan into service before 2030 leaves a critical gap in its maritime surveillance and anti-submarine warfare capabilities.

The P‑3C Orion fleet is already ageing, and the absence of a modern replacement undermines operational readiness. The delay also highlights the vulnerability of Pakistan’s defence modernisation efforts to geopolitical factors, particularly its reliance on foreign partners for mission systems and integration.

India’s growing defence and strategic ties with Italy are seen in Islamabad as a contributing factor to the slowdown, given Leonardo’s central role in the program. This reflects the broader challenge Pakistan faces in balancing its defence procurement amid shifting international alignments.

The setback also underscores the contrast with India’s own maritime modernisation, which includes indigenous projects such as the P‑75(I) submarine program and growing cooperation with European partners.

The Sea Sultan program was intended to provide Pakistan Navy with a cutting-edge maritime patrol capability, but the delays now push its operational horizon far into the next decade.

This not only affects Pakistan’s ability to monitor and secure its maritime domain but also complicates its deterrence posture in the northern Indian Ocean, where India continues to expand its naval reach.

Agencies


Pakistan Fears India May Access J‑10CE Secrets Via Uzbekistan


Pakistan Air Force intelligence officials are increasingly concerned that India may gain access to sensitive technical data on the Chinese‑supplied J‑10CE fighters through Uzbekistan, potentially undermining Pakistan’s strategic edge.

This fear stems from reports of growing Indo‑Uzbek defence cooperation and the possibility of technology transfers or intelligence sharing that could expose vulnerabilities in Pakistan’s frontline aircraft.

Pakistan’s J‑10CE fleet represents a major leap in capability. The aircraft, delivered in batches since 2022, are equipped with advanced AESA radars, infrared search and track systems, electronic countermeasures, and PL‑15 long‑range air‑to‑air missiles.

These systems allow Pakistan to challenge India’s Rafales and Su‑30MKIs with a credible beyond‑visual‑range strike capability. The integration of augmented reality helmets further enhances pilot situational awareness, making the J‑10CE a force multiplier in contested airspace.

The concern within Pakistan’s Air Force intelligence directorate is that India’s growing ties with Uzbekistan could provide New Delhi with indirect access to Chinese fighter technology.

Uzbekistan has historically operated Soviet‑era aircraft but has recently sought closer defence cooperation with multiple partners, including India.

If Indian personnel or defence contractors gain exposure to Chinese systems through Uzbek channels, Pakistan fears that operational secrets of the J‑10CE could be compromised.

Officials worry that even limited access to technical manuals, maintenance procedures, or avionics data could allow India to develop counter‑tactics against the J‑10CE. This would erode the qualitative advantage Pakistan sought when it inducted the aircraft. The possibility of India learning about radar frequencies, electronic warfare suites, or missile integration methods is seen as a serious threat to Pakistan’s air defence posture.

Pakistan’s intelligence community has reportedly flagged this risk to senior leadership, urging tighter security protocols and closer monitoring of Chinese‑Uzbek defence interactions.

There is also concern that India could exploit its intelligence cooperation with Central Asian states to gather insights into Chinese export platforms, which would indirectly weaken Pakistan’s deterrence.

The timing of these fears coincides with reports that China is preparing to supply Pakistan with additional advanced systems, including the PL‑17 ultra‑long‑range missile and potentially the fifth‑generation J‑35 stealth fighter.

Pakistan views these acquisitions as essential to maintaining parity with India’s expanding airpower. However, if India gains technical knowledge of the J‑10CE, it could accelerate the development of counter‑measures, diminishing the effectiveness of Pakistan’s new arsenal.

Uzbekistan’s role as a potential conduit is particularly troubling because of its strategic location and history of balancing ties between Russia, China, and Western powers. For Pakistan, the prospect of India leveraging this relationship to penetrate Chinese technology is a reminder of the vulnerabilities inherent in relying heavily on foreign suppliers.

The intelligence directorate has recommended enhanced collaboration with Chinese counterparts to ensure that sensitive data remains secure.

It has also suggested that Pakistan should diversify its defence partnerships to avoid over‑dependence on a single supplier, which could expose it to risks if adversaries gain access through third parties.

In the broader context, this episode highlights the complex web of regional defence diplomacy, where alliances and partnerships can inadvertently expose critical military secrets. For Pakistan, safeguarding the integrity of its J‑10CE fleet is now as much about intelligence vigilance as it is about operational readiness.

Agencies


Vibrant India Day Parade In New York Marks 80th Independence Day With Global Celebrations


The 44th India Day Parade in New York City marked a grand celebration of India’s 80th Independence Day. The event brought together New York Governor Kathy Hochul, elected representatives, dignitaries and members of the Indian-American community in a vibrant display of unity and pride.

The Consulate General of India in New York shared on X that the parade was a symbolic tribute to India’s democratic journey and cultural richness. Governor Hochul was joined by New York State Senator Jeremy Cooney and other distinguished dignitaries, underscoring the strong support for the Indian-American community.

The official float of the Consulate General highlighted India’s growing strengths in trade, technology and development, while also showcasing the country’s cultural heritage and tourism potential.

The Consulate expressed special gratitude to the Federation of Indian Associations New York-New Jersey-New England (FIA NY-NJ-NE), which organised the parade. Established in 1970, FIA is one of the oldest and largest non-profit grassroots umbrella organisations representing the Indian diaspora.

The celebrations extended beyond the parade itself. Iconic landmarks across New York were illuminated in the colours of the Indian Tricolour. The Empire State Building, Grand Central Terminal, Niagara Falls and Bloomberg’s New York headquarters all shone brightly in saffron, white and green. The Consulate General described this as a vibrant tribute to India@80 and the enduring bonds of friendship between India and the United States.

Governor Hochul’s gesture of illuminating landmarks across New York State was warmly acknowledged by the Consulate General, which described it as a beautiful symbol of friendship between the two nations. The illumination of Niagara Falls in particular drew large crowds, with the cascading waters reflecting the Tricolour in a spectacular display.

Meanwhile, the Consulate General of India in Boston joined the celebrations in Newton, Massachusetts. Deputy Consul General Shruthi Purushotam participated in the India Day festivities alongside the Indian-American community. Newton Mayor Marc Laredo applauded the contributions of the Indian diaspora, emphasising their invaluable role in the city’s cultural and civic life. The event also highlighted the new Consulate’s role in strengthening India-US ties.


In Canada, the Consulate General of India in Toronto hosted a special Community Reception to mark India’s 80th Independence Day.

The gathering brought together Ministers, Members of Parliament, Members of Provincial Parliament of Ontario, members of the diplomatic corps, community leaders and friends of India from business and cultural spheres. Consul General Mahavir Singhvi addressed the gathering, reflecting on India’s journey over the past eight decades and its growing global footprint.

He also emphasised the deep bonds connecting India and Canada. High Commissioner Dinesh K Patnaik attended the event, which was marked by pride, gratitude and camaraderie. Cultural performances celebrating India’s heritage and traditions added vibrancy to the evening.

The Consulate General expressed heartfelt thanks to friends and partners across Canada who joined in celebrating this milestone of India@80. The celebrations across North America highlighted the Indian diaspora’s strong presence and the enduring partnerships India continues to build globally.

ANI


Defence Minister Rajnath Singh Thanks Japanese Defence Minister Koizumi, Awaits Visit To Strengthen Partnership


Defence Minister Rajnath Singh has warmly thanked his Japanese counterpart Shinjiro Koizumi for his Independence Day greetings, while also confirming that he looks forward to Koizumi’s upcoming visit to India on 20 August, which will focus on strengthening defence cooperation.

This visit is part of Japan’s broader strategic outreach, with Koizumi expected to tour a naval base and hold high-level talks in New Delhi.

Rajnath Singh expressed gratitude to Shinjiro Koizumi in a post on X, noting that he looks forward to welcoming him to India to further expand and deepen the defence partnership. Koizumi had earlier congratulated India on its 80th Independence Day, writing that he looked forward to seeing Singh soon.

Koizumi’s visit to India is scheduled for 20 August, following his arrival in Mumbai on 19 August. He is expected to visit a naval base before travelling to New Delhi for talks. His trip forms part of a two-nation tour that also includes Australia, reflecting Japan’s growing focus on maritime security and Indo-Pacific cooperation.

India and Japan have steadily expanded defence cooperation in recent years. They conduct joint military exercises such as JAIMEX for the navy, Dharma Guardian for the army, and Veer Guardian for the air force.

Japan also participated in the International Fleet Review 2026 in Visakhapatnam. These engagements highlight the increasing operational synergy between the two nations.

The upcoming talks between Singh and Koizumi are expected to cover defence industry cooperation, joint operational readiness, and maritime security. Both sides are working to enhance maritime domain awareness, satellite-based surveillance, naval maintenance and repair, and defence technology collaboration under India’s “Make in India” framework.

A significant development earlier this year was Japan’s decision to ease restrictions on defence exports, allowing Tokyo to supply advanced military hardware to trusted partners like India.

India and Japan recently signed their first co-development agreement for the UNICORN naval radio antenna system, marking a new step in defence technology collaboration. In September, fighter aircraft from the Japan Air Self-Defense Force are scheduled to travel to India for joint air exercises, further boosting bilateral military engagement.

The two countries also held the eighth Defence Policy Dialogue in Tokyo on 13 July, co-chaired by Indian Defence Secretary Rajesh Kumar Singh and Japan’s Vice Minister of Defence Kano Koji. Discussions covered cyber security, space cooperation, technological innovation, and defence industrial collaboration. Both sides reaffirmed their commitment to a free, open, and rules-based Indo-Pacific.

The greetings from Koizumi came amid a wave of messages from global leaders celebrating India’s 80th Independence Day. Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese recalled India’s arduous path to freedom, Russian President Vladimir Putin hailed India’s remarkable progress, Maldivian President Mohamed Muizzu reaffirmed his country’s commitment to partnership, French President Emmanuel Macron extended warm wishes, and Bhutanese Prime Minister Tshering Tobgay expressed hope for continued friendship, addressing Prime Minister Modi as his “elder brother.”

These messages underline the breadth of India’s diplomatic engagement and highlight the shared emphasis on friendship, cooperation, and building a peaceful, prosperous region. They also reflect India’s growing stature as a global power, with partnerships spanning defence, technology, energy, and people-to-people ties.

ANI


Afghanistan Calls For Stronger Partnership With India To Boost Regional Stability And Shared Prosperity


Afghanistan has called for a stronger politico-economic partnership with India, emphasising that such cooperation would contribute to regional stability, connectivity and shared prosperity.

The remarks were delivered by Mufti Noor Ahmad Noor, Charge d’Affaires, during the fifth anniversary of the ‘Victory’ Day reception held at the Afghan embassy in New Delhi.

He highlighted that relations between Afghanistan and India have made significant progress in recent years, guided by mutual respect, political engagement and shared interests. Diplomatic contacts have expanded, embassies and consulates have become more active, and high-level delegations have continued to exchange visits.

Recalling the recent visit of Afghanistan’s Foreign Minister to India, Noor underlined that constructive understanding has developed in political, economic and humanitarian cooperation. He stated that New Delhi and Kabul have reached important understandings in various areas, marking a step forward in strengthening and expanding cooperation.

Noor stressed that stronger political trust, economic partnership and continued engagement between Afghanistan and India would benefit both nations while contributing to regional stability and prosperity. He also noted that such cooperation would enhance connectivity across South Asia and beyond.

The event was attended by Anand Prakash, Joint Secretary of the PAI Division in India’s Ministry of External Affairs. Ambassadors from Iran, Bhutan, Serbia and officials from several countries including China were also present, reflecting the wider international interest in India-Afghanistan relations.

In his remarks, Noor recalled the historical connections between the two countries through trade, transit, sports and cultural heritage. He said that routes linking India and Afghanistan historically served as channels for the exchange of knowledge, art, literature and spirituality.

He also noted that both nations influenced one another politically in their struggles for freedom and independence from British colonial rule, drawing inspiration from this shared past for a better future.

Noor expressed gratitude to India for supporting Afghanistan’s rights at international forums. He thanked the leadership of India and External Affairs Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar for their efforts in protecting Afghanistan’s legitimate international rights and emphasised the need for greater attention and practical measures in this regard.

The remarks come as India and Afghanistan continue to deepen engagements across key areas. Just last week, the Ministry of External Affairs reaffirmed India’s historical and enduring partnership with Afghanistan, noting that New Delhi is actively working to consolidate bilateral relations across multiple domains.

The statement coincided with the Taliban administration in Kabul completing five years in power, having resumed control of Afghanistan on 15 August 2021 following the withdrawal of US forces and the collapse of the previous government.

MEA spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal highlighted that a series of high-level exchanges between New Delhi and Kabul over the past year have provided substantial momentum to bilateral engagement.

Reaffirming India’s commitment to sustained engagement, Jaiswal said that India has long-standing ties with Afghanistan and looks forward to further strengthening them.

This continuity of dialogue and cooperation underscores the strategic importance of India-Afghanistan relations in shaping the future of regional stability and shared prosperity.

ANI