Friday, February 27, 2026

Indian Navy, Germany’s TKMS P-75I Submarine Deal Likely Early Next Fiscal


Here's a detailed report expanding on the developments in the P-75I submarine project, drawing from the latest updates on negotiations between the Indian Navy and Thyssenkrupp Marine Systems (TKMS).

The Indian Navy and Germany's Thyssenkrupp Marine Systems (TKMS) have successfully wrapped up cost negotiations for Project 75 India (P-75I), a pivotal program to build six advanced diesel-electric submarines equipped with Air Independent Propulsion (AIP) systems right here in India.

This deal marks one of the largest indigenous defence manufacturing initiatives, blending cutting-edge submarine technology with substantial technology transfer to bolster India's underwater capabilities.

Originally slated for signing by the end of March, the contract now appears poised for inking in the early part of the next fiscal year, as procedural hurdles with the Ministry of Finance and the Cabinet Committee on Security (CCS) take their course.

Sources within the defence establishment indicate that while mid-December was eyed for concluding cost talks, the intricate approvals process could still push the timeline slightly, though optimism lingers for closure within the current fiscal if momentum holds.

The final price tag remains under wraps officially, but estimates peg the project at a minimum of USD 9 billion for the six submarines—a figure negotiated down aggressively by the Indian side from an initial staggering bid exceeding ₹1.2 lakh crore by Mazagon Dock Limited (MDL) and TKMS.

This positions P-75I as potentially the most expensive conventional submarine contract worldwide, outpacing even Canada's ongoing procurement of 12 such vessels for USD 12 billion, where TKMS vies against South Korea's Hanwha Ocean.

When the project first secured a fresh Acceptance of Necessity (AoN) in 2018, it was benchmarked at ₹43,000 crore, a far cry from the ballooned MDL-TKMS proposal that included GST, prompting firm directives to trim costs.

The Navy aimed for a ₹60,000-70,000 crore sweet spot post-selection of the MDL-TKMS bid earlier this year, and fresh leadership at MDL drove hard bargains with the Germans to achieve substantial reductions.

Under the Request for Proposal (RFP) terms, the lead submarine must roll out seven years from contract signature, boasting 45 per cent indigenous content, with subsequent units delivered annually and localisation ramping up to 60 per cent.

This phased indigenisation aligns with India's Atmanirbhar Bharat push in defence, fostering a domestic ecosystem for AIP-equipped submarines that extend underwater endurance without frequent surfacing.

TKMS's AIP technology, proven in Type 212 and 214 classes, promises stealthy operations critical for the Indian Ocean Region, where China's expanding submarine fleet poses strategic challenges.

Armament includes six 533mm torpedo tubes for heavyweight Black Shark torpedoes, SM-39 Exocet anti-ship missiles, and potentially BrahMos integration, enabling land-attack roles vital for India's Andaman Nicobar Command.

Mazagon Dock's role as the lead integrator builds on its Kalvari-class successes under the earlier P-75 project, now elevating to larger, more capable platforms with enhanced weapons suites like heavy torpedoes and cruise missiles.

The deal's tech transfer clauses will empower Indian firms in propulsion, combat systems, and hull fabrication, potentially seeding exports and reducing reliance on imports amid rising regional tensions.

India's localisation ramps from 45 per cent on the first boat to 60 per cent by the sixth, involving firms like L&T, TATA Advanced Systems, and Godrej for sections, batteries, and sensors—mirroring Kalvari's 60 per cent+ indigenisation.

This deal revives TKMS after a 2019 blacklisting lifted in 2021, edging out Naval Group (Scorpene partner) due to better AIP tech and MDL synergy; Spain's Navantia was earlier contender.

Delays, though frustrating, reflect rigorous fiscal scrutiny, ensuring value for money in a programme that could redefine naval balance against adversaries like Pakistan's Hangor-class and China's Type 039A boats.

Globally, this underscores TKMS's edge in conventional subs, even as it juggles bids elsewhere, while India's negotiation prowess highlights maturing procurement strategies.

With contract in sight, the Navy edges closer to 24 conventional submarines by decade's end, blending P-75I with Scorpene follow-ons and future AIP upgrades.

IDN (With Agency Inputs)


Rafale Code Row: A Non-Issue In India's Strategic Jet Acquisition


The Rafale source-code controversy has sparked debate in defence circles, yet it remains a peripheral matter rather than a deal-breaker in India's procurement of these advanced French fighter jets.

Dassault Aviation's reluctance to share the proprietary source code—essential for integrating indigenous weapons like the Astra missile—stems from legitimate concerns over intellectual property and national security.

This stance reflects standard practice among leading arms exporters, prioritising protection of decades-old software that powers the jet's AESA radar and mission computer.

India's original 2016 deal for 36 Rafale jets proceeded without full code access, delivering operational success despite limited technology transfer. The Indian Air Force has integrated select Indian systems through collaborative means, proving that partial adaptations suffice for immediate combat readiness against regional threats from China and Pakistan.

Demanding complete source code risks derailing larger negotiations, such as the ongoing talks for 114 more Rafales worth $36 billion, where strategic urgency trumps full sovereignty.

Operational imperatives outweigh code disputes in high-stakes acquisitions. The Rafale's proven 4.5-generation capabilities—superior sensor fusion, multirole versatility, and spectrum warfare prowess—provide India with an edge that no indigenous alternative matches today.

Delays from unresolved code issues could leave the IAF vulnerable amid escalating border tensions, making timely delivery paramount over long-term customisation.

France's position aligns with global norms; even allies like the UAE received restricted access in their Rafale purchases. Sharing full code could enable reverse-engineering, potentially compromising French export markets and exposing sensitive tech to adversaries via leaks.

For India, workarounds like joint integration teams with Dassault, Thales, and MBDA have enabled Astra Mk1 compatibility, mitigating dependency without halting progress.

The controversy underscores broader tensions in Aatmanirbhar Bharat but does not imperil the deal's viability. India's Rafale fleet, including naval variants, enhances deterrence in the Indo-Pacific without needing source code for core missions. Future offsets and local manufacturing under MRFA will build capacities incrementally, rendering full code access less critical than fleet expansion.

Critics argue code denial perpetuates vendor lock-in, raising costs for upgrades and patches. Yet, historical precedents show French support has been reliable, with no evidence of deliberate sabotage in past deals. Compared to alternatives like Russia's Su-57 offers—which promise more transfer but lag in maturity—the Rafale's battle-tested reliability justifies compromise.

Alignment with France, a key Quad partner, further diminishes the issue's weight. Joint exercises and shared intelligence amplify Rafale's value beyond hardware, fostering interoperability that code access alone cannot provide. India's DRDO and HAL are advancing domestic jets like Tejas Mk2, positioning Rafales as a bridge rather than an eternal crutch.

In essence, while source code symbolises autonomy aspirations, it pales against the Rafale's immediate strategic dividends. Negotiators prioritise volume and speed, accepting managed dependencies to secure air superiority. This pragmatic approach ensures India's defence modernisation stays on course.

What Indigenous Weapons Is India Planning To Integrate Into Rafale

​India is actively pursuing the integration of several indigenous weapons onto its Rafale fighter jets to enhance self-reliance and operational flexibility. The primary focus remains on DRDO-developed systems that align with the aircraft's multirole capabilities.

Key among these is the Astra family of beyond-visual-range air-to-air missiles (BVRAAMs), particularly Astra Mk1 with its 110 km range. This integration has progressed through collaborations with Dassault Aviation, enabling seamless use alongside French missiles like Meteor, and supports India's export ambitions to Rafale operators such as the UAE and Egypt.

The Rudram-I anti-radiation missile, designed for suppression of enemy air defences (SEAD), is another priority for both the Indian Air Force's 36 Rafales and the Navy's 26 Rafale-M jets. Its integration bolsters spectrum warfare capabilities without requiring full source code access from France.

The Smart Anti-Airfield Weapon (SAAW), a precision-guided glide bomb, is planned for runway and infrastructure strikes. This lightweight munition complements the Rafale's air-to-ground role and has been cleared for adaptation via joint teams involving Dassault, Thales, and Indian entities.

Future plans include long-range glide bombs from private Indian firms and potentially other DRDO munitions like the BrahMos-NG, though weight constraints limit heavier variants. Dassault's modular avionics architecture facilitates these additions through API-level support, ensuring combat sovereignty under Aatmanirbhar Bharat.

These integrations, part of offsets in deals like the 114-jet MRFA tender, reduce vendor dependency while maintaining the Rafale's edge. Modifications to the RBE2 AESA radar and Modular Mission Computer are underway, with trials expected soon for full operational clearance.

IDN (With Agency Inputs)


HAL's TEJAS MK-1A: A Chronicle of Delays And Defence Imperatives


Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) has indeed faced repeated delays in delivering the TEJAS MK-1A fighter jets to the Indian Air Force, with timelines shifting approximately five times over the past two years.

The original target of March 2024 slipped past without deliveries, followed by revisions to June or July 2024, then October 2024, late 2025, and now March 2026.

These postponements underscore the inherent complexities of advanced aerospace programmes, where precision engineering meets stringent military requirements.

The TEJAS MK-1A represents a critical upgrade over the baseline Mk1 variant, incorporating enhanced avionics, an active electronically scanned array (AESA) radar, and improved electronic warfare suites.

Designed as India's indigenous lightweight multi-role fighter, it aims to bolster the IAF's squadron strength amid depleting numbers.

HAL's Nashik facility, expanded specifically for this production, was slated to commence serial deliveries promptly after contract finalisation in February 2021 for 83 aircraft worth over ₹48,000 crore.

Engine supply chain disruptions form a primary bottleneck. The GE F404-IN20 powerplants, essential for the TEJAS MK-1A, have been plagued by delays from General Electric due to global supply constraints exacerbated by post-pandemic recovery and geopolitical tensions affecting raw materials.

HAL has received only a fraction of the 99 engines contracted, with deliveries trickling in at a rate far below the required 16-20 per year to meet schedules. This has forced production line halts, as airframes await integration.

Software integration challenges compound the issue. The TEJAS MK-1A demands sophisticated mission computers, indigenous digital flight control systems, and seamless weapon management software compatible with beyond-visual-range missiles like the Astra and ASRAAM.

Extensive testing for software-hardware interoperability, including night operations and electronic countermeasures, has revealed glitches necessitating iterative fixes. Certification by the Centre for Military Airworthiness and Certification (CEMILAC) remains pending for full release to service.

Testing and qualification phases have also extended timelines. Although the prototype PV-01 flew in March 2024, accumulating over 50 hours, structural and environmental trials continue at HAL's dedicated centres.

Weaponised trials, including live firings from underwing pylons, are ramping up but face weather dependencies and range availability constraints. These steps, vital for air staff qualitative requirements, mirror delays seen in global programmes like the F-35, where software alone accounted for years of slippage.

HAL's production ramp-up lags behind targets. The Nashik line was to deliver 16 jets in 2024 and 24 in 2025, but zero aircraft have been handed over as of early 2026.

Infrastructure upgrades, including automated riveting systems and paint shops, are complete, yet skilled manpower shortages and vendor delays for indigenous components like the Uttam AESA radar persist. The radar, developed by DRDO's LRDE, is undergoing final flight trials, with first deliveries expected mid-2026.

Financial and contractual pressures add layers of complexity. Penalties for delays are contractually stipulated, but invocations remain limited to avoid further straining HAL-DRDO ties.

The IAF, facing a squadron deficit below 30 against a sanctioned 42, has voiced frustrations, prompting Defence Minister Rajnath Singh's interventions. Recent meetings in February 2026 reaffirmed the March deadline, with HAL committing to eight jets by fiscal year-end.

These delays reflect broader aerospace program risks, not unique to HAL. Engine dependency on foreign suppliers exposes vulnerabilities, akin to Saab's Gripen delays or Eurofighter engine woes.

Software 'Black Box' issues, where billions of code lines interact unpredictably, demand exhaustive validation—TEJAS software has swelled to over 1.5 million lines. Certification rigour ensures safety but extends timelines by 12-18 months typically.

Mitigation efforts are underway. HAL is pursuing a second line at Bangalore for 97 more Mk1A jets under negotiation, diversifying risk.

Indigenous engine pursuits like the AL-31FP intermediate and future Kaveri derivatives aim for self-reliance, though decades away. DRDO's push for 70% indigenous content has accelerated, with subsystems like the mission computer now fully local.

The delays strain India's air defence posture along borders with China and Pakistan. The TEJAS MK-1A's role in plugging gaps left by MiG-21 retirements is urgent, especially post-Ladakh stand-off. Alternatives like additional Rafales are cost-prohibitive, reinforcing the imperative for HAL to deliver.

Looking ahead, March 2026 holds promise if engine inflows stabilise—GE has pledged 12 units by Q1 end. Yet scepticism lingers, given historical patterns. Success here could validate 'Make in India' in defence aviation, positioning HAL as a global exporter alongside competitors like Korea Aerospace Industries.

HAL's track record with Su-30MKI overhauls offers optimism; it routinely delivers 12-15 jets annually. Applying similar efficiencies to TEJAS could accelerate post-first delivery. Collaborative models with private firms like Tata and L&T for sub-assemblies are scaling up, potentially halving future delays.

In essence, while frustrating, these shifts embody the maturation pains of a nascent indigenous programme. TEJAS MK-1A's eventual induction will mark a strategic milestone, enhancing India's aerospace sovereignty amid rising regional threats.

IDN (With Agency Inputs)


Islamabad's Israel Phobia: Pakistan's Overreaction To India's Israel Engagement: Unpacking Paki's Panic Over PM Modi's Visit


Prime Minister Narendra Modi's recent visit to Israel has triggered an outsized response from Pakistan, with editorials and opinion pieces flooding Pakistani media even before the trip concluded.

These pieces brimmed with alarmism, portraying the deepening India-Israel ties as a sinister alliance between "Hindutva and Zionism"—framed as twin threats to Muslims worldwide.

Such rhetoric casts the visit as nothing short of a plot against Islam, blending outright vilification with claims that border on the comical.

Yet, India and Israel have maintained a robust defence partnership for decades, so Modi's trip hardly marks uncharted territory. The visit produced 16 agreements, involving landmark defence developments. Crucially, no formal military alliance emerged—India maintains no such pacts with any nation, including its longstanding strategic partner, Russia.

Pakistan's agitation seems disproportionate, especially given its own recent diplomatic flexing. Just months ago, Islamabad boasted of forming an "Islamic NATO," a bold initiative to unite Muslim-majority nations under a defence umbrella.

This followed a fresh defence pact with Saudi Arabia, signed shortly after India's Operation Sindoor. The agreement commits both sides to view attacks on one as assaults on the other, paving the way for joint deterrence and military collaboration—a clear hedge against potential Indian action.

The Saudi-Pakistani deal revived ties that had cooled, much to Pakistan's relief. It promised economic lifelines for a faltering economy and access to advanced weaponry. Adding to the momentum, Turkey—a NATO heavyweight with the alliance's largest army—signalled interest in joining this trilateral bloc, amplifying its potential to unsettle global observers.

The timing raised eyebrows. The "Islamic NATO" announcement came amid Israel's intense airstrikes on Qatar-linked Hamas targets. For Pakistan, India remains the primary strategic foe; for Turkey, Israel has evolved from ally to arch-rival, while its relations with India have soured markedly.

One might ask why Pakistan objects to a hypothetical India-Israel alliance, akin to the "strategic hexagon" floated by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. After all, the Islamic NATO concept has stalled due to Saudi-Turkish rifts, though Pakistan's bonds with both endure.

Post-Operation Sindoor, Pakistan has enjoyed unusual diplomatic tailwinds. It received steadfast backing from Turkey, Azerbaijan, and China—its "iron brother"—during the conflict. The Trump administration has since warmed to Islamabad in ways unseen for two decades, unlocking IMF bailouts and a seat on Trump's Board of Peace, with prospects of Gaza reconstruction contracts.

Leaders from Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan recently visited Islamabad. This surge contradicts Pakistan's familiar narrative of isolation.

So, what drives Pakistan's angst over India-Israel ties? Perhaps it stems from a recognition of asymmetry: India-Israel relations are genuine partnerships, while Pakistan's alliances often smack of clientelism. The Saudi pact's mutual defence clause rang hollow when Pakistan clashed with the Taliban sans Riyadh's aid.

The "Islamic NATO" rhetoric serves ideological ends, masking transactional realities. If partnering with Israel is diabolical, why the silence on Azerbaijan—Pakistan's "brother"—which has become one of Israel's top arms clients amid the Gaza war and its anti-Palestinian stance?

Turkey's media decries Israel hiring Indian workers to supplant Palestinians, yet Ankara has not halted Azeri gas transiting its territory to Israel since October 2023. Solidarity with Palestinians takes a backseat to transit fee revenues.

Fear-mongering may distract from Pakistan's domestic woes. It faces insurgencies in Balochistan, Sindh, POK and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, plus tensions with the Afghan Taliban—all Muslim-on-Muslim conflicts claiming civilian lives, which Islamabad falsely pins on India.

Demonising India also obscures Pakistan's own record on Palestinians. During Jordan's Black September in 1970, Pakistani troops aided King Hussein in suppressing Palestinian fedayeen, spilling Palestinian blood. Echoes may resurface as President Trump reportedly presses Pakistan to send forces to Gaza.

India, by contrast, balances Israel ties with West Asian outreach, including Palestinian support. Amid the Gaza war, it has dispatched aid and reaffirmed a two-state solution. Notably, as PM Modi addressed Israel's Knesset, India unveiled scholarships for Palestinian students.

Pakistan's partnerships lack this breadth; envy might explain the reaction. India-Israel deals span defence, AI, Hi-Tech, agriculture, irrigation, culture and space—cooperation unburdened by religious pretexts.

Ultimately, Islamabad's meltdown reveals more about its insecurities than any real threat from PM Modi's visit. While Pakistan clutches at transient alliances, India's engagements project enduring strategic maturity.

NDTV


Svayatt S1: Revolutionising India's Autonomous Aerial Combat Edge


Paninian India Pvt Ltd, a dynamic defence technology start-up based in Hyderabad, Telangana, has unveiled the SVAYATT-M1, positioning it as a next-generation affordable autonomous aerial platform designed to transform modern warfare dynamics.

This innovative system emerges from Paninian's expertise in blending artificial intelligence, simulation, 3D technologies, and geospatial intelligence to create digital twin platforms for aerospace defence applications.

Founded in 2020 by aerospace engineers with backgrounds at DRDO and HAL, Paninian operates from a 50,000-square-foot facility equipped with advanced simulation labs, wind tunnels, and composite manufacturing units.

The SVAYATT-M1 addresses critical gaps in combat capacity, operational flexibility, and survivability within contested environments, offering high-end capabilities at a fraction of the cost of conventional manned or unmanned systems.

At its core lies Kalman Intel, an AI-driven mission intelligence system that fuses data from onboard and offboard sensors using advanced filtering and predictive algorithms for real-time decision-making.

This enables precise navigation in GPS-denied zones, adaptive threat responses, optimised flight paths, and complex manoeuvres, while supporting multi-agent collaboration for swarm coordination.

The platform excels in autonomous operations, including flight path planning, target identification, prioritisation, and seamless integration with manned-unmanned teaming (MUM-T) protocols.

SVAYATT-M1 collaborates effectively with fighter jets such as Rafale, Su-30MKI, and future platforms like AMCA, acting as a force multiplier by enhancing situational awareness and executing high-risk missions.

Its stealth and low-observability features, achieved through optimised airframe design, minimise radar and infrared signatures, allowing deeper penetration into enemy airspace.

Multi-role flexibility defines the system, with configurations for intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (ISR), electronic warfare (EW), anti-ship operations, air-to-ground strikes, and even Kamikaze roles.

A modular, plug-and-play architecture facilitates rapid payload swaps, including electro-optical/infrared (EO/IR) sensors, radar jammers, communication relays, and precision-guided munitions. Scalability ensures adaptability across missions, from single-use attritable operations to limited multi-mission profiles, accepting attrition in high-threat scenarios to preserve higher-value assets.

Interoperability extends to naval operations, with STOBAR (Short Take-Off But Arrested Recovery) compatibility for deployment from carriers like INS Vikramaditya and INS Vikrant.

Paninian's commitment to affordability stems from cost-effective design and manufacturing, leveraging indigenous supply chains with over 85% localisation to reduce import dependency.

The company has secured significant funding, including a ₹150 crore grant from iDEX in 2024 and investments from TATA Sons and Adani Defence, accelerating certifications under DGCA and CEMILAC.

Production scaling targets 2027, with partnerships like GTRE for micro-turbofans and RPL for AI avionics addressing challenges in engine technology and sensor miniaturisation.

SVAYATT-M1 forms part of Paninian's broader portfolio, including the Svayatt TD-1 autonomous target-decoy system for training and threat emulation, and the PA-LW50 loyal wingman drone.

These platforms bolster India's deterrence, particularly against threats along the LAC, by enhancing survivability, extending strike ranges, and mitigating pilot shortages through swarm tactics.

As a recipient of the Meity TIDE 2.0 grant from the Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology, Paninian underscores its role in fostering indigenous innovation. With over 200 engineers and a pipeline of 10 projects, the firm eyes major IAF contracts and exports to allies like Vietnam and the Philippines.

SVAYATT-M1 exemplifies the private sector's pivotal contribution to India's defence indigenisation, reshaping aerospace capabilities for high-intensity conflicts.

IDN (With Agency Inputs)


Sigma Bags ₹100 Cr MoD Orders, Powers Indigenous Missile And Avionics Push With BDL, HAL, And DRDO


Here's a detailed report based on the announcement, crafted in a formal yet accessible style suitable for defence journals or strategic updates. I've structured it into short paragraphs for readability, focusing on the significance for India's indigenous defence ecosystem.

Sigma Advanced Systems has clinched contracts worth approximately ₹100 crore from the Ministry of Defence (MoD) and various Defence Public Sector Undertakings (PSUs). This landmark achievement underscores the rising prowess of private Indian firms in high-stakes defence electronics and avionics.

The orders encompass a diverse array of critical strategic programs, reflecting Sigma's deepening integration into India's self-reliance drive under Aatmanirbhar Bharat. Key areas include surface-to-air missile (SAM) systems tailored for next-generation air defence platforms.

Anti-tank missile programs form another pillar, with Sigma supplying built-to-spec electronics and flight control systems. These components are vital for enhancing the lethality and precision of ground-based anti-armour capabilities amid evolving border threats.

A standout contract involves precision guidance solutions for the New Generation Anti-Radiation Missile (NGARM). This system targets enemy radar emissions, bolstering India's electronic warfare edge in contested airspace.

Naval weapon systems also feature prominently, with advanced actuation mechanisms designed for underwater platforms. Such innovations support stealthy torpedo and missile deployments, critical for India's maritime security in the Indian Ocean Region.

Rotary-wing avionics round out the portfolio, including onboard flight data acquisition systems for helicopters. These enhance situational awareness and mission reliability for platforms like those from Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL).

Execution partners include Bharat Dynamics Limited (BDL), a frontrunner in missile integration, and HAL, renowned for aerospace manufacturing. Various DRDO establishments provide technical oversight, fostering seamless public-private synergy.

This infusion of orders validates Sigma's expertise in missile electronics, actuation, and avionics—domains pivotal to modern warfare. It signals growing trust in indigenous suppliers for complex, mission-critical subsystems.

Financially, the ~₹100 crore haul arrives at a propitious moment, amid accelerated MoD procurement under capital budgets. It could propel Sigma's revenues while mitigating import dependencies on foreign electronics.

Strategically, these contracts align with India's missile defence modernisation, from Akash-NG SAMs to indigenous anti-radiation seekers. They fortify layered air defences against aerial incursions, a lesson honed from recent geopolitical tensions.

In anti-tank domains, Sigma's contributions aid programs like the Nag Missile variants, countering armoured threats from neighbours. Precision flight controls ensure pinpoint accuracy in dynamic battlefield scenarios.

The NGARM guidance tech promises suppression of enemy air defences (SEAD), complementing assets like the BrahMos and Rudram series. This reduces reliance on imported seekers, slashing costs and lead times.

Underwater actuation for naval systems enhances platforms like the Varunastra heavyweight torpedo. It improves reliability in harsh marine environments, vital for blue-water navy ambitions.

Avionics for rotary-wing assets support HAL's Advanced Light Helicopter (ALH) Dhruv and Light Combat Helicopter (LCH) Prachand. Real-time data acquisition enables predictive maintenance and upgraded sensor fusion.

BDL's involvement leverages its Akash and Astra production lines, where Sigma's SAM electronics will integrate seamlessly. HAL partnerships extend to UAVs and helos, amplifying indigenous content ratios.

DRDO labs, including those under the Defence Research & Development Laboratory (DRDL), contribute R&D validation. This tripartite model exemplifies the success of the iDEX (Innovations for Defence Excellence) initiative.

Economically, such orders stimulate job creation in Bangalore's aerospace corridor, where Sigma operates. They also spur SME subcontracting, cascading benefits across the supply chain.

Looking ahead, this win positions Sigma for future tenders like those under the ₹5 lakh crore defence indigenisation lists. It exemplifies how private innovation is reshaping India's defence manufacturing landscape.

These contracts herald a mature self-reliant ecosystem, where firms like Sigma bridge PSU ambitions with cutting-edge tech. India's strategic autonomy in missiles and avionics now stands stronger.

IDN (With Agency Inputs)


Indo-Serbian Defence Milestone: Brahmastra And Krušik Seal Exclusive Tech Transfer And Sales Pact To Power Atmanirbhar Bharat


Brahmastra Explosives & Ammunition, a prominent Indian defence firm, has forged a landmark partnership with Serbia's Holding Corporation Krušik through an exclusive Business and Technical Cooperation Agreement. This deal marks a significant milestone in Indo-Serbian defence collaboration, emphasising sales, technology transfer, and joint innovation.

The agreement establishes a robust framework that positions Brahmastra at the forefront of sales, technology transfer, and product development efforts. Krušik, renowned for its expertise in ammunition and explosives production, pledges comprehensive support to ensure seamless execution across these domains.

Strategic market expansion forms a cornerstone of this partnership. Both entities aim to penetrate new global markets together, leveraging their combined strengths to enhance competitiveness in the international defence sector.

Collaborative product innovation stands out as a key highlight. The duo will pool resources to develop cutting-edge ammunition and explosives, integrating advanced technologies to meet evolving defence requirements worldwide.

Under the Atmanirbhar Bharat initiative, this tie-up bolsters India's push for indigenous manufacturing. Brahmastra's leadership in tech transfer aligns perfectly with national goals of self-reliance, reducing dependence on foreign imports.

Indo-Serbian defence industrial ties receive a major boost from this accord. It builds on historical goodwill between the two nations, fostering deeper economic and strategic linkages in a geopolitically dynamic landscape.

Krušik's full backing extends to technical integration and new product development, enabling Brahmastra to scale operations efficiently. This includes access to proven manufacturing processes and R&D capabilities honed over decades.

The partnership promises mutual benefits, with Brahmastra gaining a foothold in European markets via Krušik's established networks. Conversely, Krušik taps into India's burgeoning defence ecosystem and export potential.

This collaboration enhances India's global defence footprint, showcasing Atmanirbhar Bharat's success in attracting international partners. It underscores India's rising stature as a reliable defence technology hub.

Future joint initiatives may encompass co-development of specialised munitions, adapting to modern warfare needs such as precision-guided systems. Such efforts could yield next-generation products tailored for diverse operational theatres.

From a strategic viewpoint, the deal strengthens bilateral defence diplomacy. It aligns with India's multi-alignment foreign policy, opening avenues for further military-technical exchanges with Southeast Europe.

Brahmastra's proactive role in leading sales and development reflects its growing prowess in the private defence sector. The firm has emerged as a key player in India's quest for self-sufficiency in critical ammunition supplies.

Krušik, a pillar of Serbia's defence industry, brings battle-tested expertise from its history of producing artillery shells and rockets. This synergy promises accelerated innovation without reinventing foundational technologies.

Observers note that this MoU exemplifies successful public-private synergies under Atmanirbhar. Brahmastra's private-sector agility complements Krušik's state-backed reliability, driving efficient outcomes.

As implementation unfolds, stakeholders anticipate pilot projects in joint manufacturing. These could pave the way for full-scale technology localisation in India, adhering to stringent export controls. The agreement also signals Serbia's interest in deepening ties with India's defence market, projected to reach substantial valuations by decade's end. Mutual trust underpins this long-term vision.

The Indo-Serbian pact via Brahmastra and Krušik heralds a new era of collaborative defence prowess, fortifying both nations' positions on the global stage.

IDN (With Agency Inputs)


Vayuvya Defence's Vayu-500 Engines Cleared For UAV Integration, Deliveries From Mid-April


Vayuvya Defence and Aerospace, a rising star in India's indigenous defence manufacturing ecosystem, has announced a significant milestone with its Vayu-500 series of 500N thrust-class engines now certified ready for integration into unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs).

This development marks a pivotal step towards self-reliance in propulsion technologies, aligning with the Atmanirbhar Bharat initiative.

The Vayu-500 engines, designed specifically for medium-altitude long-endurance (MALE) and high-altitude long-endurance (HALE) UAV platforms, promise enhanced performance metrics including a thrust-to-weight ratio exceeding 8:1 and operational endurance beyond 24 hours under standard payloads.

Rigorous testing at Vayuvya's facilities in Bengaluru has validated their reliability across diverse environmental conditions, from high-altitude Himalayan simulations to coastal humidity profiles.

Integration readiness means these engines can now be seamlessly mated with airframes from partners such as Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) and private sector players like ideaForge and Tata Advanced Systems. Initial batches are slated for delivery from mid-April 2026, enabling accelerated development of next-generation surveillance and strike UAVs for the Indian Armed Forces.

This announcement comes at a critical juncture amid escalating border tensions and the push for indigenous alternatives to imported engines like the French Safran Ardiden or Russian AL-31 derivatives. The Vayu-500's modular design facilitates quick adaptations for loitering munitions and swarm drone configurations, addressing gaps in India's tactical UAV fleet.

Fuelled by a turbofan architecture with advanced composite materials, the engines achieve fuel efficiency improvements of up to 15% over legacy systems, reducing operational costs and logistical footprints. Vayuvya's proprietary digital engine control unit (DECU) ensures precise thrust vectoring, vital for agile manoeuvres in contested airspace.

Collaboration with the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) has been instrumental, incorporating lessons from the Ghatak UCAV programme. Certification by the Centre for Military Airworthiness and Certification (CEMILAC) underscores the engines' compliance with MIL-STD-810 standards for vibration, thermal shock, and electromagnetic interference.

Market projections indicate strong demand, with over 200 units earmarked for the Tri-Services under the UAV modernisation roadmap. Export potential to QUAD partners and friendly nations in Southeast Asia further bolsters Vayuvya's credentials as a global contender.

Production scaling at their state-of-the-art facility in Karnataka leverages automated assembly lines, aiming for a monthly output of 50 engines by year-end. This not only mitigates supply chain vulnerabilities exposed during the 2020 Ladakh standoff but also creates high-skill jobs in aerospace engineering.

Strategic implications extend to India's missile programmes, where scaled-down variants could power hypersonic cruise vehicles. Vayuvya's CEO emphasised that the Vayu-500 represents "a quantum leap in propulsion sovereignty," positioning India to rival established players like Teledyne and Williams International.

As mid-April approaches, stakeholders anticipate flight trials on platforms akin to the TAPAS-BH-201, potentially unveiling enhanced ISR capabilities for the Indian Navy's Andaman patrols and Army's LoC surveillance.

IDN (With Agency Inputs)


ECONOMIC Security: New 2022-23 GDP Base Reveals 7.8% Q3 Surge, 7.6% Annual Outlook


India's economy expanded by 7.8 per cent in the October-December quarter of 2025, according to the latest data from the new Gross Domestic Product (GDP) series with a base year of 2022-23.

This marks a moderation from the 8.4 per cent growth recorded in the preceding July-September quarter.

The Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation (MoSPI) unveiled this New Series of Annual and Quarterly National Accounts Estimates on Friday, supplanting the prior series that used 2011-12 as its base year. The update aims to capture contemporary economic structures more precisely.

Under the new series, GDP growth for the full fiscal year 2025-26 is projected at 7.6 per cent. This represents a slight upward revision from the 7.4 per cent anticipated in January's advance estimates.

Notably, the July-September 2025-26 quarter's growth has been adjusted higher to 8.4 per cent, up from the earlier 8.2 per cent figure. In contrast, the first quarter (April-June) has seen a downward revision to 6.7 per cent from 7.8 per cent.

The revised base year incorporates fresh data sources to enhance accuracy. These include Goods and Services Tax (GST) collections, e-Vahan vehicle registration records, and estimates for household services such as those provided by cooks, drivers, and domestic helps.

MoSPI's FAQ explains that the base year requires periodic updates to mirror evolving economic compositions, including sectoral shifts and new activity benchmarks. The change from 2011-12 to 2022-23 addresses over a decade of transformations.

Delays in this revision stemmed from external challenges. Although MoSPI typically refreshes the series every five years, the COVID-19 pandemic and GST implementation disrupted the process.

Back series data—reconstructing historical estimates under the new base—is slated for release by December 2026. This will enable fuller comparisons across periods.

The inclusion of informal sector proxies like household services is particularly significant. Such activities, often untracked in older series, now contribute to a more holistic GDP measure, reflecting India's vast gig and service economies.

GST data integration provides real-time transaction insights, bolstering supply-side estimates. Meanwhile, e-Vahan captures automotive sector dynamics amid rising electric vehicle adoption.

These methodological refinements could influence policy decisions. A more accurate GDP picture aids fiscal planning, inflation targeting, and investment allocation.

For the current fiscal, the 7.6 per cent projection signals resilience despite global headwinds like geopolitical tensions and supply chain strains. It underscores domestic consumption and services as key drivers.

Compared to pre-revision figures, the new series paints a nuanced trajectory: robust mid-year momentum tempered by a softer start and close. Analysts will scrutinise back series data for long-term trends.

This release coincides with India's push for data-driven governance. Enhanced national accounts align with digital economy initiatives, positioning the country for precise economic forecasting.

Stakeholders, from investors to policymakers, await further breakdowns. Sectoral contributions and gross value added details will clarify growth engines.

In summary, the new GDP series heralds a step towards modernised economic measurement, promising sharper insights into India's growth story.

Agency


Commerce Minister Piyush Goyal Flags Ongoing US Talks Amid Tariff Verdict Uncertainty

Commerce Minister Piyush Goyal, with his counterpart Howard Lutnick and envoy Sergio Gor

India's Commerce and Industry Minister Piyush Goyal has revealed that the country is actively engaging with the United States amid an evolving situation triggered by a recent US Supreme Court ruling on tariffs.

Speaking at the News18 Rising Bharat Summit in New Delhi on Friday, Goyal adopted a cautious 'wait-and-watch' stance, emphasising ongoing dialogues with the administration of US President Donald Trump.

The minister underscored that India is closely monitoring developments while conducting internal consultations. "This is an evolving situation. We are watching what is happening. We are in dialogue with the administration in the U.S. and, of course, internal consultations," Goyal stated, reaffirming the government's commitment to safeguarding national interests.

Goyal reassured stakeholders, summit attendees, and the wider public of India's dedication to pursuing optimal opportunities through engagement. He highlighted that negotiations with the US aim to secure competitive advantages over other emerging economies and developing nations, particularly in areas vital to India's strategic priorities.

Addressing queries on whether the Supreme Court verdict has altered India's negotiating position, Goyal described the scenario as fluid. He referenced recent comments by President Trump, noting that the US administration possesses various tools at its disposal, with multiple dialogues progressing simultaneously.

The minister pointed to a joint statement recently finalised with the US, which explicitly provides for rebalancing the deal should circumstances shift. This clause offers a mechanism to adapt to new realities, ensuring flexibility in the trade framework.

On the specifics of tariffs, Goyal discussed the potential benefits of a 15 per cent rate compared to 18 per cent, suggesting it could sustain exports without disruption. He stressed, however, that trade agreements encompass far more than mere tariff figures, encompassing broader positive elements.

"Trade deal or international trade is about comparative advantage," Goyal explained. He illustrated this by noting that uniform tariff rates across competitors yield no edge, whereas a lower rate relative to rivals confers a significant benefit.

Goyal recalled that India previously faced a steep 50 per cent tariff disadvantage on certain exports, rendering them uncompetitive. Reducing this to levels below those imposed on key competitors represents a substantial victory, he asserted, though full details remain confidential until finalisation.

While unable to disclose the agreement's intricacies at this stage, the minister urged patience, promising "so many more positives" within the deal. His remarks reflect a balanced approach, blending vigilance with optimism as India navigates this pivotal phase in bilateral trade relations.

This development comes against the backdrop of heightened US-India economic ties, where tariff adjustments could reshape export dynamics for Indian goods in the American market. Stakeholders await further clarity as dialogues continue.

ANI


Canadian PM Mark Carney Arrives In Mumbai On Official Visit To India


Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney touched down in Mumbai on Friday, 27 February 2026, at the head of a high-level delegation for a pivotal four-day official visit to India. Invited personally by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the trip—from 27 February to 2 March—marks a deliberate bid to breathe new life into bilateral relations strained in recent years.

Landing in India's bustling financial hub sets an intentional tone. Carney's itinerary kicks off with two days of intensive economic engagements, including roundtables with top CEOs, financial luminaries, and executives from major Canadian pension funds. This opening gambit underscores Ottawa's priority: forging deeper commercial links to underpin diplomatic revival.

The Mumbai phase is no mere sideshow. It lays the groundwork for substantive high-level talks slated for 1-2 March in New Delhi. At the centrepiece will be delegation-level discussions at Hyderabad House, building directly on prior summits in Kananaskis and Johannesburg last year. These sessions aim to recalibrate the India-Canada Strategic Partnership across key domains.

Energy security tops the agenda, with talks eyeing joint ventures in renewables and clean tech. Critical minerals—vital for batteries and semiconductors—feature prominently, as both nations seek supply chain resilience amid global disruptions.

Research collaboration, from AI to quantum tech, rounds out the portfolio, blending public policy with private-sector dynamism via the India-Canada CEOs Forum.

This visit arrives against a backdrop of frayed ties. Relations plummeted after the 2023 killing of Sikh separatist Hardeep Singh Nijjar in Canada, triggering explosive allegations from the Trudeau era. Ottawa accused Indian agents of involvement, prompting tit-for-tat diplomat expulsions and a near-freeze in high-level contacts.

Trade volumes nosedived, student visas dried up, and defence dialogues stalled. Yet winds have shifted under Carney's pragmatic leadership. Senior Canadian officials now publicly disavow prior claims linking India to the Nijjar case or other violence on Canadian soil, paving the way for this landmark trip.

Security channels have thawed too, thanks to backchannel efforts led by India's National Security Advisor Ajit Doval. Recent dialogues yielded a robust action plan targeting transnational crime, extremism, and terror financing—flipping a flashpoint into a pillar of cooperation. Real-time intelligence sharing now underpins this reset.

Economically, complementarities abound. Canada's bounty of critical minerals dovetails with India's manufacturing surge under 'Make in India'. Pension funds like CPP Investments eye infrastructure plays, from green hydrogen to EV hubs. Bilateral trade, hovering at $10 billion annually, could double with tariff tweaks and investment pacts.

Defence ties, long dormant, hint at revival. Quiet overtures explore joint exercises and tech transfers in drones and maritime surveillance—areas aligning with India's self-reliance drive via iDEX and Aatmanirbhar Bharat. No grand announcements yet, but the groundwork feels solid.

Cultural bridges are rebuilding too. Student exchanges, slashed post-2023, are rebounding with eased visa norms. Diaspora communities—over 1.6 million strong in Canada—stand to benefit from eased travel and people-to-people links.

Geopolitically, timing is astute. With China pressing in the Indo-Pacific, India and Canada share stakes in a rules-based order. Ottawa's Indo-Pacific Strategy meshes with New Delhi's SAGAR vision, potentially amplifying Quad-plus dynamics without formal entanglement.

Active Khalistani terrorists in Canada remains a sore point, though de-emphasised now. Farmer protests and domestic politics in both nations demand careful navigation. Still, Carney's visit radiates optimism, pivoting from confrontation to convergence.

As the delegation shifts from Mumbai's skyscrapers to Delhi's corridors, expectations run high. A joint statement on 2 March could unveil MOUs on minerals, migration, and maritime security—milestones in a partnership reborn. For two middle powers with aligned ambitions, this feels like a page turn.

Carney's mission embodies realpolitik at work: economics as diplomacy's handmaiden, security as the glue. If Delhi and Ottawa play their hands right, 2026 could etch a new chapter in Indo-Canadian annals—one of mutual gain over mutual grievance.

ANI


Maldives Ambassador Meets With COAS Gen Upendra Dwivedi; Forge Ahead On Defence Ties Amid Indian Ocean Security Shifts


India's High Commissioner to the Maldives, G Balasubramanian, met with Chief of the Army Staff General Upendra Dwivedi in New Delhi on 27 February 2026 to explore avenues for deepening the strategic and defence ties between the two nations.

The discussions, as highlighted in a post on X by the Additional Directorate General of Public Information (ADG PI) of the Indian Army, centred on strengthening the India-Maldives strategic partnership amid an evolving regional security landscape.

Both sides reviewed the current security dynamics in the Indian Ocean region, a critical maritime domain for trade, energy security, and geopolitical stability.

They also examined opportunities to bolster defence and diplomatic cooperation, reflecting India's commitment to fostering closer military interoperability with its maritime neighbour. This engagement underscores a renewed phase in bilateral relations, following periods of strain, and signals a mutual intent to counter emerging challenges in the Indo-Pacific.

Earlier on Thursday, Maldives Minister of State for Tourism and Environment, Muaviyath Mohamed, reaffirmed the enduring closeness of India-Maldives ties during an interaction with ANI.

Mohamed emphasised that the two countries, as nearest neighbours, maintain a relationship built on mutual respect and collaboration across multiple domains.

He pointed to ongoing joint efforts in sustainable development, market reforms, and addressing global challenges, which aim to yield benefits for both nations. The long-standing partnership, according to Mohamed, has intensified recently, particularly in meeting frameworks for environmental and developmental targets.

India has emerged as a reliable partner in these initiatives, offering technological advancements, knowledge transfer, and capacity-building support to the Maldives. Mohamed noted upcoming meetings with Indian counterparts at various institutions to tackle shared issues in environmental protection and sustainable development.

Such collaborations, he added, leverage India's expertise to provide solutions for common regional problems, enhancing resilience for both countries.

On the maritime front, Deputy Chief of Naval Staff Vice Admiral Tarun Sobti engaged with Maldives National Defence Force (MNDF) Coast Guard Commandant Brigadier General Mohamed Saleem on 18 February.

This naval interaction, as stated by the Indian Navy spokesperson, underscored the strategic significance of the Indian Ocean Region (IOR). The meeting focused on advancing the strong maritime partnership through enhanced cooperation and professional exchanges.

It built on continued engagements during the upcoming MILAN 2026 multilateral naval exercise, reinforcing commitments to regional maritime security and stability. The participation of the MNDF Coast Guard Ship Huravee in these efforts highlights the Maldives' dedication to improving interoperability at sea.

These developments collectively indicate a multifaceted revival in India-Maldives relations, spanning army-level strategic dialogues, environmental partnerships, and naval collaborations. Amid broader geopolitical shifts, including China's growing influence in the IOR, such ties are pivotal for India's 'Neighbourhood First' policy and the Maldives' security architecture.

The emphasis on defence cooperation could pave the way for joint training, capacity enhancement, and intelligence sharing, vital for safeguarding exclusive economic zones.

Sustainable development initiatives further complement these efforts, aligning with India's development assistance programmes like the Greater Malé Connectivity Project.

As regional security dynamics evolve—with concerns over non-traditional threats like piracy, illegal fishing, and climate-induced vulnerabilities—these partnerships gain added urgency.

India's role as a first responder in the IOR, demonstrated in past operations, positions it ideally to lead such collaborative frameworks. The Maldives' recalibration of ties post its 'India Out' campaign reflects pragmatic diplomacy, recognising New Delhi's indispensable contributions.

Future avenues may include expanded hydrographic surveys, disaster response mechanisms, and people-to-people exchanges to sustain this momentum.

These interactions herald a robust phase of strategic convergence, essential for peace and prosperity in the Indian Ocean littorals.

ANI


MILAN 2026 Wraps Up With Record Multinational Maritime Manoeuvres off Visakhapatnam Coast


The 13th edition of the Indian Navy’s premier multilateral maritime exercise, MILAN, concluded successfully on 25 February in Visakhapatnam.

The closing ceremony took place onboard India’s indigenous aircraft carrier, INS Vikrant, positioned off the city’s coast. This event marked a significant milestone in fostering naval cooperation among friendly nations.

MILAN, an acronym for Multilateral Naval Exercise, originated in 1995 at the Andaman and Nicobar Command. The inaugural edition saw participation from the Indian Navy alongside navies from Indonesia, Singapore, Sri Lanka, and Thailand. It was conceived in alignment with India’s ‘Look East Policy’ at the time.

Over the years, MILAN has evolved dramatically in scale and sophistication. It expanded with the shift to the ‘Act East Policy’ and the Security and Growth for All in the Region (SAGAR) initiative. This growth incorporated island nations from the Western Indian Ocean Region (IOR) and other IOR littorals.

Held biennially, the exercise has grown progressively over two and a half decades. Exceptions occurred in 2001, 2005, 2016, and 2020. The 2001 and 2016 editions were skipped due to International Fleet Reviews, while the 2005 event was deferred to 2006 following the devastating 2004 tsunami.

The previous edition in 2024, also in Visakhapatnam, drew participants from 47 friendly foreign countries across continents.

MILAN 2026 built on this legacy, adopting the theme ‘Camaraderie, Cooperation, Collaboration’. It featured unprecedented participation, including 42 ships and submarines alongside 29 aircraft.

Among these assets were 18 ships from friendly foreign countries. Integral helicopters from these vessels joined maritime patrol aircraft from France, Germany, and the United States. This diverse assembly underscored the exercise’s global reach.

The exercise commenced on 19 February with a harbour phase. This segment included bilateral engagements and an international maritime seminar (IMS). It provided a platform for professional exchanges and strategic discussions.

The subsequent sea phase shifted focus to high-intensity operational drills. Activities encompassed advanced warfare disciplines such as integrated air defence and antisubmarine warfare exercises. Maritime interdiction operations formed a core component, simulating real-world scenarios.

Additional drills covered communication exercises and cross-deck flying operations. These validated seamless coordination among participating navies. Rapid response capabilities were rigorously tested, enhancing interoperability.

MILAN 2026 aligned with the vision of MAHASAGAR—Mutual and Holistic Advancement for Security and Growth Across Regions. The exercise reinforced best practices in maritime security. It highlighted India’s commitment to regional stability and collaborative defence.

Conducted amidst growing geopolitical complexities in the Indo-Pacific, MILAN strengthened bonds among navies. The participation of INS Vikrant symbolised India’s advancing indigenous capabilities. Future editions promise even greater complexity and inclusivity.

Agencies


Taliban Escalates Border War: Overruns Pakistani Posts, Claims 55 Pak Troops Killed


The Afghan Taliban has conducted a series of cross‑border attacks on Pakistan’s military forces along the Afghanistan–Pakistan frontier, particularly in recent months and weeks, marking a significant escalation in hostilities between the two sides.

These operations have mainly targeted Pakistani border posts, checkpoints, and forward‑deployed infantry positions in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and adjoining tribal districts, with the Taliban claiming to have overrun several Pakistani military outposts and killed or captured soldiers in some engagements.

On at least one major occasion in late February 2026, the Taliban launched a “large‑scale” retaliatory assault after earlier Pakistani airstrikes on Afghan territory, reporting heavy fire along multiple sectors of the border and asserting that they inflicted serious casualties on Pakistani troops.

Pakistani officials have acknowledged that two of their soldiers were killed and several others wounded in these attacks, while disputing Taliban claims of territorial gains and asserting that their own forces mounted a swift and effective counter‑response.

Earlier clashes in October 2025 saw the Afghan Taliban describe its strikes as “overnight retaliatory operations” against Pakistani military installations at about 20 locations from Kunar in the north to Kandahar in the south, with both sides claiming high enemy casualties and damage to fortifications, artillery positions, and what Pakistan described as militant training camps adjacent to the border. 

Pakistan’s military has accused the Taliban‑led Afghan government of providing sanctuary and support to anti‑Pakistani groups such as the TTP, which it cites as a proximate cause for the border attacks on its forces, while Kabul frames its strikes as defensive responses to Pakistani air and ground operations inside Afghanistan.

The pattern of Taliban attacks on the Pakistan military has involved sustained and heavy small‑arms and mortar fire on border posts, infiltration‑style assaults on forward positions, and occasional capture or temporary occupation of Pakistani checkpoints, all set against a backdrop of mutual airstrikes and deep‑seated distrust over cross‑border militant activity.

Both sides’ casualty claims are highly discrepant and should be treated as unverified, but they do give a rough picture of the scale each side attributes to the clashes. The Afghan Taliban has claimed that in recent cross‑border operations it killed at least 55 Pakistani soldiers and captured two bases plus dozens of posts, while also stating that many of its own fighters were killed and wounded in the prolonged exchanges of fire. These Taliban figures are not independently corroborated and appear on the higher end of what other regional or international observers consider plausible.

IDN (With Agency Inputs)


Baloch Rebels Escalate Highway Assaults In Surab And Kech, Killing Policeman Amid BLF Claims


Armed assailants have intensified their operations in Balochistan, with coordinated attacks and highway blockades reported in the Surab and Kech districts on Thursday. These incidents underscore the persistent volatility in Pakistan's restive southwestern province, where separatist groups frequently target security forces and infrastructure.

In Surab, unidentified gunmen erected roadblocks on the vital Karachi-Quetta N-25 National Highway, conducting snap inspections on passing vehicles. A police convoy responding to the blockade encountered heavy fire, sparking a fierce clash.

During the exchange, an armoured police vehicle was destroyed in a powerful explosion, resulting in the death of Constable Khalil Ahmed. Local reports indicate the attackers vanished into the rugged terrain before reinforcements could arrive.

The assault in Surab highlights the tactical sophistication of the militants, who exploited the highway's strategic importance for commerce and military movement. No group has yet claimed responsibility, though the modus operandi mirrors tactics employed by Baloch insurgent outfits. Authorities have launched extensive search operations, but the area's mountainous landscape continues to shield perpetrators.

Meanwhile, in Kech district near Turbat, armed men launched a brazen raid on a police station along the Zubaida Jalal Highway in the Kalatuk area. The attackers overpowered the stationed personnel, briefly detaining them before confiscating weapons and setting the facility ablaze. Surveillance cameras were destroyed, and the structure sustained significant damage, hampering immediate investigations.

The militants then established roadblocks on the highway, subjecting travellers to checks for approximately two hours. A Pakistani military convoy's arrival prompted another round of gunfire, though casualty figures from this skirmish remain unconfirmed. The swift military response suggests heightened alertness amid rising tensions, yet the attackers evaded capture.

These back-to-back strikes expose vulnerabilities in Balochistan's security apparatus, particularly along key transport arteries that form the backbone of Pakistan's China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). The province has long grappled with low-intensity insurgency, fuelled by grievances over resource exploitation and marginalisation of the ethnic Baloch population.

Compounding the immediate threats, the Balochistan Liberation Front (BLF) issued a statement on 26 February claiming a spate of earlier attacks. On 24 February, BLF fighters reportedly stormed an army checkpost in the Dokhani area of Kulanch, Pasni, asserting they killed five soldiers and wounded several others.

The group further boasted of hitting security outposts on Gazzi Road in Kharan and along the CPEC route in Singai, Dasht, inflicting casualties and structural damage. In Zamuran, BLF operatives intercepted a supply vehicle en route from Niwano to Gesherdan, seizing food rations and materiel intended for security forces.

Such claims by the BLF align with a surge in insurgent activity this year, as groups intensify efforts to disrupt CPEC projects and challenge Islamabad's control. Pakistani officials have dismissed the assertions as propaganda, but independent verification remains elusive amid restricted media access.

Local authorities in both Surab and Kech have confirmed the Thursday incidents and initiated cordon-and-search operations. However, past patterns suggest limited success in apprehending culprits, given the insurgents' intimate knowledge of the terrain and alleged local sympathies.

These events occur against a backdrop of escalating Baloch militancy, with groups like the BLF rejecting peace overtures and demanding greater autonomy or outright independence. The death of Constable Khalil Ahmed marks at least one confirmed fatality, but the true toll may climb as details emerge.

Pakistan's military has ramped up deployments in Balochistan, yet the hit-and-run tactics employed by insurgents continue to strain resources. International observers note that unresolved political grievances exacerbate the cycle of violence, potentially drawing in external actors amid regional geopolitical flux.

As search efforts persist, residents in affected areas report heightened fear, with normal traffic disrupted and businesses paralysed. The incidents serve as a stark reminder of Balochistan's fragility, where economic potential clashes with deep-seated unrest.

ANI