Wednesday, August 19, 2026

DRDO’s RCI Invites Private Firms To Co-Develop Tactical Missiles And Guided Munitions


According to a report, the Defence Research and Development Organisation’s Research Centre Imarat in Hyderabad has formally invited qualified private Indian firms to co-develop and manufacture tactical missile systems and guided munition.

This marks a significant defence policy shift aimed at scaling up domestic wartime production capacity and reducing reliance on imports. The initiative is designed to strengthen India’s self-reliance in advanced weapon systems while ensuring rapid production scalability during conflict scenarios.

The framework for this initiative is structured under the Development-cum-Production Partner model and strategic weapon manufacturing programs. The model typically involves selecting at least two private industry partners for each missile or guided bomb project.

These partners are tasked with building prototypes and subsequently handling large-scale volume production once the systems are validated. This approach is intended to shorten development cycles and ensure that the armed forces receive advanced systems in a timely manner.

The focus areas under this policy include advanced tactical surface-to-air systems, indigenous air-to-air missile ecosystems such as ASTRA, and guided munitions. These categories represent critical capabilities for modern warfare, where precision, speed, and reliability are paramount.

The ASTRA program, in particular, has already demonstrated India’s ability to produce indigenous beyond-visual-range air-to-air missiles, and expanding private participation is expected to accelerate its ecosystem development.

To qualify for participation, firms must meet stringent financial criteria. A minimum annual turnover of ₹100 crore and a net worth of ₹34 crore are required, alongside a credit rating of BBB or better. These thresholds are designed to ensure that only financially stable companies with proven capacity are entrusted with sensitive defence projects.

The emphasis on financial health reflects the government’s intent to avoid delays or disruptions due to weak corporate structures.

Statutory approvals form another critical requirement. Companies must hold mandatory industrial licences and demonstrate certified explosives handling and storage capacity for at least five tons of TNT or RDX-class material within a year of securing production mandates.

This ensures that firms are capable of safely managing hazardous materials essential for missile and munition production. The stipulation also reflects India’s broader effort to align defence manufacturing with international safety and compliance standards.

Compliance with DRDO’s internal assessment mechanisms is also mandatory. Firms must secure a SAMAR assessment certification from DRDO Headquarters.

This certification acts as a quality and capability benchmark, ensuring that selected partners meet the organisation’s technical and operational standards. It also provides a structured mechanism for monitoring partner performance throughout the development and production phases.

This policy shift comes at a time when India is actively decentralising its defence manufacturing ecosystem. Recent reforms have already opened tactical missile production to private firms, ending the monopoly of Bharat Dynamics Limited.

The inclusion of private industry in projects such as the Rudram series of air-to-surface missiles, the Naval Anti-Ship Missile – Short Range, and the Very Short-Range Air Defence System has demonstrated the government’s commitment to building a diversified industrial base.

The new RCI initiative builds upon this momentum, extending opportunities to firms capable of handling guided munitions and advanced tactical systems.

Industry experts note that the ongoing global conflicts have underscored the importance of tactical missile systems and guided munitions in modern warfare. Nations are increasingly prioritising domestic production to avoid supply chain vulnerabilities during crises. India’s move to involve private industry in these critical areas is seen as a strategic step towards building resilience and ensuring readiness for high-intensity conflicts.

The Research Centre Imarat, known for its pioneering work in missile avionics and guidance systems, is expected to play a central role in overseeing these collaborations.

By leveraging its expertise and combining it with private sector agility, the DRDO aims to accelerate innovation while maintaining strict quality control. This partnership model is expected to create a robust ecosystem capable of delivering advanced systems at scale.

The initiative also aligns with India’s broader Atmanirbhar Bharat vision in defence. By opening sensitive areas such as tactical missile systems and guided munitions to private industry, the government is signalling its confidence in domestic firms to deliver world-class capabilities. It represents a decisive step towards transforming India’s defence industrial base into a globally competitive ecosystem.

Agencies


Russia Offers India 8 Su-57E Stealth Fighters With 200-Km R-77M Missiles To Bridge Capability Gap


Russia has reportedly offered India a rapid package of eight Su-57E fifth-generation stealth fighters, paired with the advanced R-77M beyond-visual-range missile capable of engagements up to 200 km, Times of India reported

This proposal is positioned as a stopgap to bridge India’s stealth gap against China and Pakistan while the indigenous AMCA program remains years away from service.

India rejected the earlier Indo-Russian fifth-generation fighter project, but Moscow has never abandoned efforts to re-enter the Indian market. The latest reports suggest Russia has floated a smaller, immediate proposition: eight Su-57E stealth fighters, accompanied by the R-77M missile.

This missile, known as Izdeliye 180, features an active electronically scanned array seeker and a dual-pulse rocket motor, enabling long-range manoeuvrability and sustained speed during terminal engagement. Publicly cited ranges reach approximately 200 km, making it a significant leap over earlier R-77 variants.

The reported package of eight aircraft represents roughly half a squadron. While not yet an announced procurement decision by India, the offer is official within Russia’s broader Su-57E push. President Vladimir Putin has publicly reinforced Moscow’s readiness to jointly produce the aircraft and extend extensive technology cooperation.

Russian technical teams have already held discussions on Indian manufacturing, including inspections of Hindustan Aeronautics Limited’s Nashik facilities, which previously supported Su-30MKI production.

Moscow’s timing is deliberate. China already operates the J-20 stealth fighter and is testing sixth-generation prototypes, while Pakistan is expected to induct the J-35. India’s squadron strength has fallen to around 30, far below the required 40 to counter both adversaries.

Current fleets include Su-30MKI, Rafale, Mirage-2000, Jaguar, and MiG-29, many of which are ageing. India is working on inducting 180 TEJAS MK-1A fighters, but delays in engine supply from the United States remain a bottleneck.

The Su-57E proposal is framed as an interim bridge until AMCA matures, likely around 2035. A limited batch could provide India with immediate fifth-generation operational experience, allowing evaluation of stealth doctrine, sensor fusion, and electronic warfare integration.

However, it would also create another specialised ecosystem requiring separate training, maintenance, logistics, and weapons stocks. This raises concerns about duplication and competition with AMCA, potentially diverting resources from indigenous development.

Russia’s broader Su-57E campaign includes offers of larger deliveries—36 to 60 aircraft—alongside full technology transfer, radar source codes, electronic warfare frameworks, and even joint development of a two-seat Su-57D variant.

Such cooperation could accelerate India’s expertise in manned-unmanned teaming and next-generation combat concepts. Yet, the smaller eight-aircraft package appears designed as a low-commitment entry point, giving India operational exposure without binding it to a massive financial outlay.

Strategically, the Su-57E combined with the R-77M missile would provide India with a potent long-range air combat capability. The stealth aircraft’s reduced radar observability, internal weapons carriage, and advanced sensors, paired with a missile capable of 200 km engagements, could allow the Indian Air Force to conduct beyond-visual-range strikes while limiting adversary response time. This would directly counter China’s PL-15 missile-equipped J-20s and Pakistan’s expected stealth inductions.

Financially and politically, the decision remains complex. Accepting the package could strengthen Russia’s defence relevance in Asia and provide India with immediate deterrence.

Rejecting it would preserve focus on AMCA and avoid dependence on another foreign ecosystem. India must balance relations with Russia against deepening cooperation with Western suppliers, including France’s Rafale and potential U.S. offers of the F-35.

The proposal underscores how aerospace technology transfer has become a geopolitical instrument. For India, the choice is between short-term capability gains and long-term sovereignty in stealth warfare. The eight Su-57Es could be a useful bridge, but they risk creating another costly parallel ecosystem that competes with AMCA.

Agencies


India’s Project-18 Destroyer Program Set At ₹80,000 Crore With Near-100% Indigenisation


India’s Project-18 next-generation destroyer program has received a significant update, with the reported cost now reaching around ₹80,000 crore.

The plan is currently linked to six warships, each weighing approximately 10,000 tons, with a target of near-100% indigenous content. This marks a major shift from earlier reports which had indicated eight ships and around 75% indigenisation, suggesting that the scope of the program is still evolving.

The destroyers are to be built by Mazagon Dock Shipbuilders Limited (MDL), the premier naval shipyard that has already delivered frontline warships such as the Kolkata-class (Project-15A) and is presently constructing the Visakhapatnam-class (Project-15B).

Project-18 is expected to follow the Visakhapatnam-class lineage, incorporating lessons learned and technological advancements from previous builds while pushing towards complete self-reliance in design, systems, and weapons.

The move towards near-total indigenous content reflects India’s broader strategic emphasis on the Aatmanirbhar Bharat initiative, which seeks to reduce dependence on foreign suppliers and strengthen domestic defence manufacturing.

Achieving close to 100% indigenisation would represent a landmark achievement in naval shipbuilding, positioning India among the few nations capable of designing and producing such complex platforms entirely within its own industrial ecosystem.

The reported cost of ₹80,000 crore underscores the scale and ambition of the program. At roughly ₹13,000 crore per ship, these destroyers would be among the most expensive and technologically advanced warships ever constructed in India.

The investment highlights the priority accorded to naval modernisation, particularly at a time when maritime security challenges in the Indian Ocean and Indo-Pacific regions are intensifying.

Earlier reports had suggested a larger fleet of eight ships with lower indigenisation levels, but the revised plan indicates a deliberate shift towards fewer but more advanced platforms. This approach suggests that the Navy is prioritising quality, survivability, and technological superiority over sheer numbers, ensuring that each vessel can serve as a formidable multi-role combatant.

The 10,000-ton displacement places these ships firmly in the category of large destroyers, comparable to some of the most powerful warships operated by leading global navies. They are expected to feature advanced air defence systems, long-range strike weapons, integrated electronic warfare suites, and cutting-edge command and control networks.

Their endurance will allow them to operate across extended ranges, supporting India’s ambition to project power deeper into the Indo-Pacific.

MDL’s role in the program further consolidates its position as the backbone of India’s naval shipbuilding capability. Having already delivered the Kolkata-class and Visakhapatnam-class destroyers, as well as working on the Nilgiri-class frigates, MDL is uniquely positioned to take on the challenge of building the next-generation destroyers. The program will also provide a major boost to India’s defence industrial base, with extensive involvement of domestic suppliers and technology developers.

The evolution of Project-18 reflects the Navy’s long-standing demand for a larger and more capable fleet to address emerging threats, safeguard sea lines of communication, and provide net security in the Indian Ocean Region.

With the program now aiming for near-total indigenisation, it represents not just a military upgrade but also a strategic industrial milestone, reinforcing India’s position as a rising maritime power.

Agencies


Buying Su-57 Could Derail India’s AMCA Program, Warns Former IAF Chief


Former Indian Air Force chief Air Chief Marshal RKS Bhadauria has issued a strong warning that any move by India to procure Russia’s Sukhoi Su-57 fifth-generation stealth fighter could seriously undermine the country’s indigenous Advanced Medium Combat Aircraft (AMCA) program.

His remarks come at a time when speculation has been rife about the possible acquisition of Russian-made Su-57 Felon fighters, though India has clarified that it is not considering such a purchase.

Russia has been actively promoting the Su-57, with senior officials describing it as unmatched among aircraft currently in mass production. Deputy Commander-in-Chief of the Russian Aerospace Forces Sergey Kobylash recently stated that the Su-57 is the key element in achieving air superiority, highlighting its advanced capabilities and positioning it as a unique offering in the global market.

Despite these claims, Bhadauria has cautioned that even the procurement of two squadrons of Su-57 fighters could have serious consequences for India’s indigenous fifth-generation fighter program. 

During a media interaction, he was asked about reports suggesting that India might consider acquiring two squadrons of Su-57s. Bhadauria said he was not sure whether the Indian Air Force had formally initiated any such process, but he was clear about the implications.

He explained that if India were to buy the Su-57, it would effectively kill the AMCA project. According to him, there is no space for both programs to coexist, and the energy and focus required to make AMCA successful would be diverted. He emphasised that the AMCA is a critical national effort, and any dilution of commitment could jeopardise its success.

Bhadauria further warned that an initial purchase of two squadrons could eventually expand to four, thereby reducing the urgency surrounding the indigenous program. In his view, such a trajectory would make AMCA less of a priority, undermining the long-term goal of achieving self-reliance in advanced aerospace technology.

The cautionary note comes against the backdrop of India’s broader defence modernisation efforts. The AMCA program is seen as a cornerstone of India’s ambition to field a homegrown fifth-generation stealth fighter, incorporating advanced avionics, stealth features, and supercruise capability. Any diversion of resources or attention towards foreign acquisitions could delay or derail this strategic objective.

The debate also reflects India’s delicate balancing act between maintaining immediate operational readiness and investing in long-term indigenous capability.

While Russia’s Su-57 offers a ready-made solution, the risks of undermining AMCA are significant, particularly given the importance of the program to India’s defence industrial base and strategic autonomy.

Agencies


Op Sindoor Documentary Rattles Pak, It Rushes To Issue 'Clarification' At 2 Am


Pakistan’s military establishment has reacted sharply to the release of Discovery Channel India’s two-part documentary Declassified: Operation Sindoor, which premiered on 15 August, FirstPost reported.

The production revisits the four-day India–Pakistan conflict of May 2025, triggered by the Pahalgam terror attack of 22 April 2025, and has unsettled Rawalpindi’s narrative of events.

The documentary features senior Indian military and security officials who were directly involved in the planning and execution of Operation Sindoor. It provides a rare behind-the-scenes account of India’s decision-making during the 88-hour campaign, including remarks from National Security Adviser Ajit Doval on deterrence and national security.

Doval emphasised that India’s generosity and restraint should not be mistaken for weakness, stressing that New Delhi was prepared to take risks and strike hard when national interests and citizens were threatened.

The production presents Operation Sindoor as a calibrated military response to the Pahalgam massacre, with the stated objective of dismantling terrorist infrastructure linked to the attack. It highlights India’s use of precision strikes against targets in Pakistan and Pakistan-occupied Jammu and Kashmir, and notes that the operation concluded after 88 hours with an understanding to cease hostilities.

Pakistan’s Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR) has rejected the documentary’s account, describing it as “highly dramatised, coloured and factually inaccurate.” ISPR accused India of attempting to rewrite the outcome of the confrontation, dismissing the documentary as a “Bollywood-style” propaganda video. It claimed that India was projecting a military blunder as a successful endeavour and rejected assertions of “100 per cent mission success.”

ISPR further maintained that Pakistani forces had resisted the Indian offensive and inflicted losses on Indian aircraft. It argued that the fighting ended through communication between the Directors General of Military Operations of both countries rather than through a decisive Indian victory. Pakistan also disputed India’s chronology of events, questioning the portrayal of the Pahalgam attack and subsequent military action.

The significance of the Discovery documentary lies in the access it provides to Indian officials who were directly involved in the operation.

Unlike the official statements issued during the conflict, the film revisits the campaign through detailed accounts from commanders and national security officials, offering a fuller picture of how India’s response was planned and executed. It places India’s version of events firmly on record, challenging Pakistan’s narrative and exposing the divergence between the two sides’ interpretations of the confrontation.

Agencies



CVRDE DRDO Hands Over 3 Indigenous Defence Technologies To Indian Army


CVRDE of DRDO in Chennai has formally handed over three indigenously designed and developed critical defence technologies to the Indian Armed Forces. This marks another step in India’s drive towards self-reliance in advanced military systems.

The technologies include the Co-Axial Lube Oil Filter Assembly for the Kaveri Derivative Engine, the Main Shaft Bearing for the Small Turbo Fan Engine (STFE), and Indigenous Filter Elements for the MiG-29K/KUB aircraft. Each of these components addresses vital requirements in propulsion and aviation systems, ensuring that India reduces dependence on imported spares and builds its own technological base.

The handover ceremony was attended by senior officials and scientists. Prof. (Dr.) Prateek Kishore, Distinguished Scientist and Director General (ACE), was the Chief Guest. J Rajesh Kumar, Outstanding Scientist and Director of CVRDE, formally handed over the technologies to Dr. S. V. Ramana Murty, Director of GTRE, along with senior officials from Naval Headquarters. The presence of these leaders underscored the importance of the achievement.

In his address, Dr. Prateek Kishore emphasised that India has the capability to build world-class defence equipment. He urged that critical technologies must be realised within set timelines, with all stakeholders working in close coordination to meet national defence requirements.

The achievement was made possible through collaboration between CVRDE, GTRE, CEMILAC, DGAQA, and industry partners. These included Mikroflo Filters of Hyderabad, Amado Tools of Bangalore, and Austin Engineering Company Ltd. of Gujarat. Their contribution highlights the growing role of private industry in India’s defence ecosystem.

Senior officers from DRDO, Naval HQ, and industry representatives were present at the landmark event, which symbolises the synergy between research institutions and industry partners in advancing indigenous defence technology.

This development is significant because it strengthens India’s ability to design, manufacture, and integrate critical components for advanced propulsion systems. The Co-Axial Lube Oil Filter Assembly ensures reliability in the Kaveri Derivative Engine, which is being adapted for UAVs and other platforms.

The Main Shaft Bearing for the Small Turbo Fan Engine is crucial for performance and durability in compact propulsion systems. The Indigenous Filter Elements for the MiG-29K/KUB aircraft reduce reliance on foreign suppliers, ensuring operational readiness of frontline naval fighters.

Together, these technologies represent incremental but vital steps in India’s journey towards aerospace and defence self-reliance. They also demonstrate how collaboration between DRDO laboratories and industry partners can accelerate the indigenisation process.

UNI


Indian Army Issues RFP For Repair of Damaged Heron UAVs In Accidents


The Indian Army has formally issued a Request for Proposal for the repair of two damaged Heron remotely piloted aircraft in accidents.

The scope of work is comprehensive and covers structural restoration of the fuselage and wings, ensuring that the airframes are returned to full operational integrity.

This requirement highlights the importance of sustaining the fleet of imported Israeli-origin Heron UAVs, which remain a critical asset for surveillance and intelligence missions across varied terrains.

The RFP specifies integration of supplied line-replaceable units into the repaired platforms. These LRUs include avionics, sensors, and mission-critical components that must be seamlessly fitted into the restored airframes.

The process will demand precision engineering and adherence to stringent military standards, ensuring that the UAVs regain their original mission capability without compromise.

Ground acceptance test procedures form another key part of the scope. These ATPs will validate the systems’ performance on the ground before flight clearance.

The UAVs will undergo weighing and balance checks, ensuring that the repaired structures and integrated LRUs do not affect aerodynamic stability or payload capacity. This step is crucial to confirm that the aircraft meet safety and operational benchmarks.

Following ground validation, performance and acceptance flight tests will be conducted. These trials will assess the UAVs under real operational conditions, verifying endurance, manoeuvrability, and sensor functionality. Only after successful completion of these tests will the aircraft be cleared for redeployment into active service.

The repair initiative reflects the Army’s emphasis on asset recovery and lifecycle management. Rather than writing off crashed UAVs, the focus is on restoring them to service, thereby maximising investment and maintaining force readiness.

This approach also underscores the importance of indigenous maintenance capabilities, as Indian defence establishments increasingly seek to build expertise in sustaining complex imported platforms.

The Heron UAVs, operated by both the Army and Air Force, have played a pivotal role in reconnaissance missions along sensitive borders. Their endurance, sensor payloads, and operational flexibility make them indispensable for surveillance and intelligence gathering. Repairing damaged units ensures that the fleet’s strength is maintained without delays in procurement cycles.

This RFP also signals the Army’s intent to streamline repair and maintenance processes under structured contracts.

By formalising requirements such as structural restoration, LRU integration, ATPs, and flight validation, the Army sets clear expectations for vendors and ensures accountability in execution. It is a step towards professionalising UAV sustainment within the broader defence ecosystem.

Agencies


India-France Defence Ties Take Off Beyond Rafale


India and France are expanding their defence partnership beyond Rafale jets, with India now formally seeking a role in France’s Future Combat Air System (FCAS) sixth‑generation fighter program.

This marks a strategic shift from buyer‑seller ties to joint technology development, with engine projects, manufacturing facilities, and advanced aerospace cooperation forming the backbone of the new phase.

India and France are taking their defence partnership into new areas. The relationship is no longer limited to Rafale jets or Scorpene submarines. India is now actively pursuing participation in France’s FCAS sixth‑generation fighter program, which could redefine its future air combat capabilities.

The Ministry of Defence informed a Parliamentary Standing Committee that it had initiated efforts to co‑join the sixth‑generation fighter aircraft development program. The committee has asked for a clear plan and timeline for India’s sixth‑generation fighter capability, underscoring the urgency of advance planning as air power grows in importance.

India and France have maintained a strategic partnership since 1998, covering defence, space and civil nuclear cooperation. France has been a crucial partner as India reduces its reliance on Russian military equipment.

During the Kargil War, French Mirage-2000 fighters played a decisive role in precision strikes, highlighting the depth of the partnership.

In February 2026, India and France renewed their defence cooperation agreement for another decade. They also established a Joint Advanced Technology Development Group to focus on critical and emerging technologies, signalling a shift towards co‑development rather than traditional procurement.

France has already supplied 36 Rafale fighters to the Indian Air Force. India received the sixth and final Scorpene submarine under Project 75 in January 2025. In April 2025, India signed a deal for 26 Rafale‑Marine jets for the Navy, including 22 single‑seat and four twin‑seat aircraft, along with training, simulators, weapons, support and technology transfer for integrating Indian weapons.

The partnership is expanding into manufacturing. A Rafale fuselage production facility is being set up in India. Maintenance, repair and overhaul facilities for aircraft engines, sensors and weapons are also part of the cooperation. Safran is working with Indian partners on advanced aircraft engine projects, strengthening India’s aerospace base.

India’s FCAS plan comes at a critical juncture. The program changed after France and Germany ended their joint plan in June 2026 due to disputes over industrial control and intellectual property. While some FCAS components such as combat cloud and unmanned systems will continue, France is now leading the effort independently, creating an opening for India.

For India, joining the French‑led FCAS program could provide access to advanced technologies including stealth, sensors, electronic warfare, artificial intelligence and unmanned aircraft. It would also allow Indian engineers to work on systems where manned fighters and drones operate together, a key feature of sixth‑generation warfare.

India is simultaneously developing its own Advanced Medium Combat Aircraft (AMCA), targeting induction by the mid‑2030s. The FCAS collaboration would complement AMCA, ensuring India does not fall behind as China advances with its own sixth‑generation prototypes.

The Indian Air Force currently operates 29 fighter squadrons against an authorised strength of 42, with 110 to 120 Jaguar fighters scheduled for retirement between 2028 and the mid‑2030s. Preventing force contraction while transitioning to fifth‑ and sixth‑generation platforms is a pressing challenge.

India is also considering a 114‑aircraft Rafale procurement to bridge immediate gaps, alongside TEJAS MK-2 and AMCA development. The FCAS partnership would therefore sit within a broader roadmap of sustaining Jaguars, expanding Rafale inventory, and integrating indigenous fighters.

Strategically, this Indo‑French collaboration strengthens bilateral defence ties and positions India as a co‑developer of cutting‑edge aerospace technology. It reflects India’s preference for working with a single reliable partner rather than multinational consortia prone to disputes.

The partnership also aligns with India’s Indo‑Pacific strategy, where France plays a significant role.

India’s defence exports have already reached record levels, with ambitions to achieve ₹3 lakh crore in manufacturing and ₹50,000 crore in exports by 2029. Participation in FCAS would enhance India’s standing as a global defence industrial power while securing its long‑term air superiority.

Agencies


Pakistan Calls India’s ‘100% Mission Success’ Claim In Operation Sindoor Documentary Factually Inaccurate


Pakistan’s military establishment has strongly rejected India’s portrayal of Operation Sindoor in Discovery Channel’s documentary, describing the claim of “100% mission success” as factually inaccurate.

The Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR), Pakistan’s military media wing, issued its response on Monday, challenging the Indian narrative of the 2025 conflict and accusing New Delhi of presenting a distorted account of the operation.

The ISPR pointed to Indian aircraft losses during the fighting as evidence that India did not achieve complete success. It further argued that the cessation of hostilities was the result of communication between the Directors General of Military Operations (DGMO) of both countries rather than a decisive Indian victory. This directly contests the documentary’s depiction of India’s military campaign as an unambiguous triumph.

The documentary, Declassified: Operation Sindoor, premiered on 15 August as a two-part production. It features accounts from Indian military leaders, ground operatives, defence experts and journalists, offering a behind-the-scenes look at the planning and execution of the 88-hour campaign.

Discovery had announced the project at the end of July, promising to trace the operation from strategic deliberations after the Pahalgam terror attack through to the May 7 strikes.

Pakistan has consistently maintained that its forces inflicted losses on Indian aircraft during the May 2025 fighting. Its foreign ministry had earlier claimed that Pakistan successfully neutralised Indian fighter jets and military targets, while accusing India of failing to achieve its strategic objectives.

The competing claims over aircraft losses remain one of the most contested aspects of the conflict, and Islamabad is now using this disputed battlefield record to challenge the documentary’s broader portrayal.

The ISPR’s rejection is significant because the documentary gives Indian commanders a platform to publicly describe decisions and events that had previously remained classified. Indian intelligence-linked sources, however, interpret Pakistan’s aggressive response as evidence that the documentary has struck a sensitive nerve in Islamabad’s post-conflict narrative.

They argue that Pakistan has not produced independently verifiable battlefield records, satellite imagery or operational logs to counter specific claims, instead focusing on undermining the credibility of the film.

These sources also allege that Pakistan’s description of the documentary as a cinematic reconstruction is an attempt to divert attention from questions about its own intelligence and operational preparedness. 

They believe the documentary is damaging to Islamabad because it places Indian military decision-making and battlefield accounts into the public domain.

The clash over the documentary is part of the continuing information war that accompanied the military confrontation itself. During Operation Sindoor, both sides promoted sharply different accounts of the fighting.

Pakistani military-linked narratives claimed damage to Indian installations and aircraft losses, while India accused Pakistan-linked networks of spreading manipulated material. Several viral claims and videos from the conflict were later found to be false, old or digitally altered.

Pakistan’s ISPR had itself released a documentary in July 2025 presenting its version of the conflict, highlighting what it described as evidence of Indian aircraft losses and damage to Pakistani civilian sites.

The latest reaction therefore mirrors India’s move: New Delhi has now put forward its own military account in a high-production documentary, and Islamabad is challenging that version.

The timing of the Discovery documentary is also notable. Operation Sindoor has increasingly moved into popular culture, with a Bollywood project being developed by filmmaker Vivek Agnihotri and producer Bhushan Kumar, based on Lt Gen KJS ‘Tiny’ Dhillon’s book Operation Sindoor: The Untold Story of India’s Deep Strikes Inside Pakistan.

This makes the ISPR’s response more than a disagreement over a television program; it is another round in the ongoing contest between India and Pakistan over who defines the narrative of the four-day confrontation.

Agencies


Docking Technology To Drive India’s Lunar Sample Return And Space Station Ambitions


Docking technology has been identified by the Indian Space Research Organisation as a critical capability for future lunar exploration and human space missions, CNBCTV18 reported.

M R Raghavendra, Director of ISRO Telemetry, Tracking and Command Network in Bangalore, explained that docking would be essential for bringing lunar samples back to Earth and for assembling India’s proposed Bharatiya Antariksh Station.

He was speaking at a National Space Day celebration organised by ISTRAC in collaboration with City Montessori School in Lucknow.

The school is the alma mater of astronaut Shubhanshu Shukla, the first Indian to visit the International Space Station. Raghavendra described ISRO’s successful docking experiment as a very interesting achievement, noting that it would be extremely useful in future missions.

He said that now India has landed on the Moon, the next step is to bring samples back. For this, an orbiter would circle the Moon, while a lander would collect samples, dock with the orbiter, and then return the material to Earth. He emphasised that ISRO has now gained valuable experience in docking.

He added that docking would also be indispensable for the Bharatiya Antariksh Station, which will be built with a five‑module approach. Each of these modules will require docking, making it a fundamental technology for human missions and primary missions alike.

He also spoke about upcoming projects such as the Gaganyaan human spaceflight mission and the space station program.

Raghavendra reflected on ISRO’s journey, noting that the organisation began by addressing basic societal needs but has now emerged as a leader in advanced and cutting‑edge space technologies.

He highlighted that the space sector is now open to private participation, offering numerous opportunities to people from diverse professional and academic backgrounds. He urged students to think the impossible and to go beyond traditional boundaries of space exploration, contributing to India’s scientific and technological vision for 2047.

He stressed the importance of planning and execution in the success of Chandrayaan‑3, under which India achieved a soft landing on the Moon. He reminded the audience that India became the fourth country to land on the Moon, and that the achievement was not just an event but a demonstration of technological and organisational effort.

Speaking to reporters separately, he described National Space Day as an important occasion for India and its scientific community, marking the day when India achieved a technologically challenging mission by landing its ISRO lander on the southern side of the Moon on 23 August 2023. He said this was not only a demonstration of technological prowess but also a huge inspiration to young minds.

Chandrayaan‑3 achieved a historic milestone when its Vikram lander made a safe and soft landing on the lunar surface, making India the fourth country to successfully land on the Moon and the first to reach its southern polar region.

The Pragyan rover was subsequently deployed, and the landing site was named Shiv Shakti Point. August 23 was declared National Space Day. India will celebrate its third National Space Day on 23 August this year with the theme ‘Towards Viksit Bharat: Innovating, Collaborating, and Aspiring to Global Space Leadership’.

As part of the 2026 celebrations, ISTRAC organised the one‑day program in collaboration with CMS at its Gomtinagar‑1 campus in Lucknow.

Geeta Gandhi Kingdon, Manager and Managing Director of CMS, said the dedicated efforts of ISRO scientists and the contributions of the younger generation had placed India among the leading nations in space research. Referring to the achievement of CMS alumnus Shubhanshu Shukla, she said his success as an Indian citizen who travelled to space had made the entire nation proud.

Agencies


Japan Turns To India And Australia To Bolster Defence Readiness Beyond Traditional Allies Like US


Japan is looking beyond its traditional reliance on the United States to sustain defence readiness, as concerns grow over Washington’s ability to provide timely munitions supplies, Chinese media SCMP reported.

Prolonged conflicts in the Middle East and Ukraine have raised doubts about America’s production capacity and stockpiles, prompting Tokyo to seek deeper industrial ties with Australia and India.

Defence Minister Shinjiro Koizumi is embarking on a three-day trip beginning Tuesday, with visits to Canberra and New Delhi. His engagements are expected to advance cooperation across warships, stealth technology and drones.

Analysts note that the strain on US stockpiles could leave allies exposed, making partnerships with like-minded countries more critical.

In Canberra, Koizumi will attend a trilateral defence ministers’ meeting with his Australian and New Zealand counterparts. Discussions are expected to include the proposed export of an upgraded Japanese Mogami-class frigate to Wellington. New Zealand is considering the Mogami to replace its ageing Anzac-class warships, with interoperability alongside Australia a key factor.

In New Delhi, Koizumi will meet Defence Minister Rajnath Singh to discuss cooperation on defence equipment. Japan is planning to export its Unicorn stealth communication system, which has already been agreed in principle at the July summit between the two countries.

This system, used on Mogami-class frigates, integrates multiple antennas into a single mast to enhance stealth and secure communications.

Rintaro Inoue of the Institute of Geo-Economics in Tokyo explained that Japan had long assumed America would meet its wartime needs. However, limits in US production capacity and long waiting lists have made cooperation with Australia and India more important. He suggested co-production of missiles, drones and other systems that would be rapidly consumed in conflict but difficult to sustain through peacetime demand alone.

Inoue emphasised that modern wars, as seen in Ukraine and the Middle East, consume vast quantities of weapons and equipment over prolonged periods. Japan must therefore prepare for protracted conflict to maintain credible deterrence.

The Pentagon has urged contractors to accelerate production, but President Donald Trump recently denied shortages, insisting the US has “massive amounts of munitions”.

The Mogami-class frigate is emerging as a realistic option for New Zealand. Sharing a common platform with Australia would simplify maintenance and enhance interoperability. Japan may also be able to offer more reliable delivery timelines compared with Britain’s Type 31 frigate.

Yoichiro Sato of Ritsumeikan Asia-Pacific University noted that Tokyo is coordinating diplomatically and building capacity with maritime middle powers, driven by China’s assertive maritime actions and America’s unstable rhetoric.

Koizumi’s talks are also expected to address the growing alignment between China, Russia and North Korea, as well as grey-zone threats posed by Beijing in the South and East China seas. One possible outcome of his visit to India could be cooperation on drones designed to protect military bases.

Japan also plans to dispatch F-2 fighter jets to India for joint exercises, marking the first time these aircraft will participate in drills there. India previously declined to purchase F-35s due to technology-transfer restrictions and its focus on indigenous fighter projects, making the versatile F-2 a potential area of interest.

Defence equipment cooperation is likely to expand, with the Unicorn system a key project. Purnendra Jain of the University of Adelaide cautioned that transfers are complicated by India’s reliance on Russian equipment and insistence on joint development.

More than 60 per cent of India’s defence hardware is of Soviet or Russian origin, though sales have slowed due to delays and a shift towards domestic manufacturing and Western suppliers.

Japan is also pursuing trilateral cooperation with Australia and New Zealand, with China’s actions serving as the binding factor. Beijing’s recent test-firing of a nuclear-capable missile in the South Pacific and Japan’s defence white paper identifying China as “the greatest strategic challenge” underscore the urgency.

Tokyo is seeking to boost regional defence integration while maintaining its alliance with Washington.

Agencies
 


India’s Nuclear Path: Uranium Imports Threaten Energy Security


India’s nuclear energy ambitions are framed by three strategic objectives: achieving net-zero emissions by 2070, building an inclusive Viksit Bharat by 2047, and ensuring energy security in light of recent geopolitical shocks such as the war in Iran.

These goals demand a massive expansion of clean power generation, reducing reliance on petroleum and natural gas, and cutting coal consumption.

Nuclear power is positioned as a central pillar in this transition. India currently has about 8.8 GW of installed nuclear capacity, supplying roughly 3 per cent of national electricity.

The government’s target is to expand this to 100 GW by 2047, a more than tenfold increase. This would require unprecedented reactor construction and, critically, a secure and reliable fuel supply.

The question is whether nuclear growth will enhance energy security or simply replace dependence on imported fossil fuels with dependence on imported uranium. Past experience shows how vulnerable nuclear operations are to fuel shortages.

Between 2006 and 2010, uranium scarcity forced reactors to operate at half capacity, with Plant Load Factor (PLF) dropping below 60 per cent and hitting lows of 34–40 per cent in early 2009. Since 2010, performance has improved, with long-term average PLF now around 82 per cent, reflecting better fuel availability and operational efficiency.

Yet scaling up to 100 GW would require between 18,000 and 20,000 tons of uranium annually. Global uranium production in 2025 was about 62,000 tons, of which India imported only 250 tonnes. At full expansion, India alone would consume nearly one-third of current global output.

While reserves are estimated at 5.9 million tonnes worldwide, annual production is far lower, around 1,20,000 tons if extracted at one fiftieth of reserves. India would remain a major consumer of global supply.

Domestically, India has about 4,42,000 tons of natural uranium reserves, but most deposits are low-grade and expensive to mine and refine, often costlier than imports. Thus, large-scale imports are unavoidable.

Past shortages have already demonstrated how fuel constraints directly reduce reactor output. Under a 100 GW program, fuel availability becomes not just an operational issue but a core energy security risk.

India’s uranium imports have been concentrated since the 2008 India-US Civil Nuclear Agreement. Supplies now come mainly from Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, and Canada. Unlike crude oil, which India sources from a diverse mix of suppliers, uranium procurement is narrow.

A disruption in Kazakhstan, which holds 14 per cent of global reserves and produces over 40 per cent of global output, would be difficult to replace quickly. This concentration adds a geopolitical dimension to India’s nuclear dependence.

Thorium offers a potential path to fuel independence. India holds about 25 per cent of global thorium reserves. Thorium itself is not fissile, but when used in Fast Breeder Reactors (FBRs) it absorbs neutrons and converts into U-233, a fissile fuel. India’s three-stage nuclear program is designed to exploit this advantage.

A milestone was achieved in April 2026 when the 500 MW Prototype Fast Breeder Reactor at Kalpakkam reached first criticality. Thorium could provide a self-sustaining domestic cycle, but progress depends on the pace of FBR construction, which remains slow.

From the perspective of diversifying the energy mix, nuclear power is logical. Other clean strategies face their own constraints.

Solar and wind require storage batteries or hydro balancing, but batteries depend on imported lithium, largely from China. Biofuels compete with food crops for land and water. Nuclear avoids these pitfalls but demands secure uranium supply until thorium technology matures.

India’s 100 GW target by 2047 will require vast uranium imports. This makes uranium procurement as strategically important as crude oil. Measures must include building strategic uranium reserves, securing binding long-term supply contracts, and acquiring equity stakes in overseas mines to influence production during disruptions.

Uranium can be stored with precautions against leakage, making stockpiling feasible. At the same time, funding for fast-breeder and thorium programs must be ring-fenced to ensure long-term independence is not sacrificed for short-term reactor expansion.

The test of India’s nuclear strategy lies not in rhetoric about thorium but in practical management of uranium security over the next 15 years. Dependence on a single supplier, unacceptable in crude oil, should not be tolerated for nuclear fuel.

Parallel R&D is also needed to develop cheaper alternatives to lithium-ion batteries and economic technologies for cellulosic ethanol. Energy independence is not a single decision but a carefully sequenced transition, requiring foresight and resilience.

Agencies


India Initiates Trial In Absentia Against 26/11 Pakistani LeT Terrorists Hafiz Saeed And Zaki-ur-Rehman Lakhvi


Nearly eighteen years after the 26/11 Mumbai terror attacks, India has taken a decisive step to pursue justice against key Pakistani accused who have remained outside its jurisdiction.

The Mumbai Police have initiated proceedings for trial in absentia against six Pakistani terrorists, including Lashkar-e-Taiba handlers Hafiz Saeed and Zaki-ur-Rehman Lakhvi.

This move is being carried out under Section 356 of the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita (BNSS), which replaced the Code of Criminal Procedure.

Special Public Prosecutor Ujjwal Nikam has approached the special court to begin proceedings against the wanted accused despite their absence from India. Mumbai Police Commissioner Deven Bharti has also written to Nikam, stressing that sufficient evidence exists against the accused and that their absence should not indefinitely stall the case.

This development is expected to become one of the most high-profile tests of Section 356 since the BNSS came into effect.

The 26/11 attacks, carried out between 26 and 29 November 2008, killed 166 people and injured hundreds. Ten Pakistan-based terrorists arrived by sea and targeted multiple locations, including the Taj Mahal Palace, Oberoi-Trident, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Terminus, Nariman House and Café Leopold.

Nine attackers were killed by security forces, while Ajmal Amir Kasab, the lone surviving terrorist, was tried and executed in 2012. Investigations traced the conspiracy to handlers in Pakistan who trained, equipped and guided the attackers.

The six accused now facing trial in absentia are Hafiz Saeed, Zaki-ur-Rehman Lakhvi, Sajid Mir, Mazhar Iqbal alias Abu Alqama, Asim alias Abu Qahafa and Major Abdur Rehman Pasha. Saeed is accused of engineering the attack, while Lakhvi, Alqama and Qahafa allegedly supervised the attackers from a Karachi control room during the assault.

Trial in absentia allows proceedings to continue even when the accused is not physically present, but only after strict safeguards are met. Section 356 requires that the accused be declared proclaimed offenders, with two consecutive arrest warrants issued at least thirty days apart.

Proclamations must be published, including in newspapers, and ninety days must elapse from the framing of charges before trial begins. Information must also be publicised at the accused’s last known residence, and relatives or associates informed. If the accused has no lawyer, the court must appoint one at the state’s expense. Evidence must still be presented and tested, ensuring the trial meets the standards of criminal justice.

The special court has already issued a proclamation against the six accused, directing them to appear by 18 August 2026. Nikam has sought issuance of the proclamation through Interpol, with the Ministry of Home Affairs forwarding it for international publication.

India has previously sought Red Corner Notices against several suspects, but those efforts did not secure their presence in court. Section 356 now provides a mechanism to prevent indefinite delays caused by absence abroad.

Lakhvi has long been described as the operational mastermind of the Mumbai attacks, even in Pakistan’s own investigation, though proceedings there have been criticised for lack of progress. Hafiz Saeed, the founder of LeT, has been accused by India and other countries of playing a central role in the conspiracy, though Pakistan’s original chargesheet did not name him. Kasab’s disclosures during interrogation also pointed to the roles of Saeed and Lakhvi.

A conviction in absentia would provide India with a formal judicial finding against the accused, though arrest and custody would still depend on Pakistan’s cooperation, extradition or other international mechanisms. The law cannot compel Pakistan to hand over the accused, but it ensures that their absence does not freeze the judicial process.

This move matters beyond 26/11. For years, India has struggled to prosecute cross-border terror planners who remain outside its jurisdiction. Section 356 attempts to close that gap by allowing trials to proceed after safeguards are met.

The current proceedings do not mean Saeed or Lakhvi have been convicted, but they mark the beginning of a process that could set a precedent for handling cases where accused remain beyond India’s physical reach. For a case that has symbolised the limits of cross-border justice, this represents a significant new chapter in India’s legal and counter-terror framework.



Dawood Ibrahim’s Aide Akhtar Merchant Arrested At Delhi Airport In Kashimira Bakery Firing Case


Akhtar Merchant, a 60‑year‑old alleged former aide of Dawood Ibrahim, has been arrested at Delhi’s Indira Gandhi International Airport after absconding for nearly three years.

He is wanted in connection with the 2023 Kashimira bakery firing case in Mira Road, Thane, and faces charges under the IPC, Arms Act, and MCOCA. His arrest followed an Interpol Red Corner Notice and a joint operation by central agencies and Maharashtra Police.

Akhtar Merchant was intercepted at Delhi airport soon after arriving in the country. He had been on the run since 2023, when an FIR numbered 700/2023 was registered against him at Kashimira Police Station.

The case involved an alleged extortion plot targeting a Gutkha businessman named Babu. Merchant, along with co‑accused Nisar Ahmed Sheikh alias Pappu Pager, reportedly threatened the businessman over the phone demanding money.

When the businessman refused, the duo allegedly arranged for a gunman, Akbar Shaikh, to attack employees at the bakery. However, the weapon malfunctioned and no bullets were fired. Shaikh was later arrested, while Merchant managed to evade authorities until now.

The charges include attempt to murder (Section 307 IPC), extortion (Section 384 IPC), criminal conspiracy (Section 120(B) IPC), and common intention (Section 34 IPC), alongside provisions of the Arms Act and the Maharashtra Control of Organised Crime Act (MCOCA).

Interpol issued a Red Corner Notice against Merchant earlier this month, placing him on its wanted list. He is also suspected of involvement in arms trafficking and drug smuggling, which adds to the seriousness of the charges. The Mira‑Bhayandar Vasai‑Virar Police Crime Branch, acting on Interpol inputs, maintained surveillance at Delhi airport and detained him upon arrival.

Officials confirmed that Merchant will be taken to Mira‑Bhayandar for interrogation and legal proceedings. His arrest is considered a major breakthrough in the long‑pending investigation, as he is believed to have played a central role in orchestrating the extortion conspiracy. Authorities are expected to probe his wider links to Dawood Ibrahim’s network and other organised crime operations.

The case highlights the persistence of Dawood Ibrahim’s associates in attempting to exert influence through extortion and intimidation in Mumbai’s business circles. It also underscores the importance of international cooperation, as Interpol’s alert was crucial in tracking Merchant’s movements abroad and ensuring his capture upon return.

Law enforcement officials have stated that further investigation will focus on Merchant’s overseas activities during his absconding period, his connections to arms and narcotics smuggling, and whether he maintained contact with other members of Dawood’s syndicate. His arrest may provide valuable intelligence on the underworld’s current operations and financial networks.

The bakery firing case, though unsuccessful due to the gun malfunction, remains significant as it demonstrates the methods employed by organised crime groups to intimidate and extort local businessmen.

The invocation of MCOCA provisions reflects the seriousness with which Maharashtra Police are treating the case, aiming to dismantle the larger criminal network behind such incidents.

Agencies


US Envoy Sergio Gor Urges Predictable Taxation And Stronger Trust To Boost India-US Economic Partnership


US Ambassador to India Sergio Gor has emphasised that India and the United States must jointly address existing friction points in their economic relationship.

He underlined the importance of predictable taxation and regulatory frameworks to ensure businesses can thrive without uncertainty.

Speaking at the Indo-American Chamber of Commerce’s national convention, themed “Redefining the India–US Comprehensive Strategic Partnership”, Gor highlighted the need for trust-based engagements on export controls and technology flows.

He stressed that solid intellectual property protections are essential to give innovators the confidence to invest, create and scale without fear.

He noted that American companies considering moving operations to India often raise concerns about the safety of their intellectual property. Gor said that when firms around the world tell him their rights have been stolen and ask whether India is safe, his answer is a resounding yes.

He added that the United States trusts India, and President Donald Trump has invested heavily in this relationship from the very beginning.

Gor described the relationship as having “unbelievable and incredible potential”. He said that to unleash the full power of the economic engine, both nations must address friction points together as true partners. Predictable taxation and regulatory frameworks, he argued, are vital for sustainable growth.

He also pointed out that when Indian companies invest in America, it is a win-win situation. They gain access to one of the world’s most dynamic markets while simultaneously creating jobs in both India and the United States. He remarked that every single day new opportunities are emerging in this partnership.

The envoy highlighted the rapid expansion of bilateral trade in goods and services, which has grown from around $20 billion to more than $240 billion over the past two decades. He said the twelve-fold increase did not happen by accident and reflected the ambition of both countries to take trade to $500 billion by 2030.

Gor explained that when India and the United States work together, they integrate value chains, accelerate breakthroughs in critical technologies and strengthen supply chain resilience. He revealed that the US Embassy in India had topped the list among American embassies worldwide by attracting more than $20 billion in investment.

He stressed that continued cooperation between businesses and governments would be key to achieving the ambitious trade target and deepening the strategic partnership. Closer economic cooperation, he said, could help integrate value chains, accelerate technological innovation and strengthen supply-chain resilience.

The ambassador highlighted growing cooperation in sectors such as artificial intelligence, technology, aerospace, defence and energy. He also pointed to India’s rising role in the global technology ecosystem, citing the participation of US companies in India’s Global AI Summit as an example of this expanding collaboration.

Agencies