Saturday, September 12, 2026

President Putin Formally Offers India Its Advanced Izdeliye 177S Engine For Super Sukhoi Air Power Edge


Russia has formally offered India its advanced Izdeliye 177S engine for the Indian Air Force’s Su-30MKI fleet, according to Russian state-owned agency Sputnik.

The proposal was tabled as Moscow pushes a wider package of defence cooperation during President Vladimir Putin’s visit to New Delhi.

The offer comes at a time when India and Russia are discussing a major upgrade of nearly 260 Su-30MKIs under the estimated ₹91,667 crores ‘Super Sukhoi’ program. The initial phase is expected to cover 84 aircraft, with the remainder to follow in subsequent tranches.

The 177S engine is capable of delivering up to 14.5 tons of thrust and has a reported service life of up to 6,000 hours. Russian officials have also claimed that the engine can reduce fuel consumption by around 7 per cent across operating modes, which would translate into significant operational savings for the Indian Air Force.

The engine has broadly similar dimensions and weight to the AL-31F/FP engines currently powering the Su-30MKI. This similarity could make integration easier, although Indian defence planners would need to conduct a detailed technical evaluation before taking a final decision.

The Super Sukhoi program is expected to include new AESA radars, modern avionics, improved electronic-warfare systems and new engines. These upgrades are aimed at extending the fleet’s relevance well into the 2040s and ensuring parity against regional adversaries.

India already has an established industrial base for the Su-30MKI. Hindustan Aeronautics Ltd manufactures AL-31FP engines under licence and is also involved in the aircraft’s production and overhaul. This existing infrastructure could be leveraged for local assembly or licensed production of the 177S, subject to negotiations on technology transfer.

The engine proposal is part of a broader Russian defence package. Moscow has also proposed joint production of Su-57 fifth-generation fighters in India, along with additional S-400 air-defence systems and the newer S-500 system.

Russia has further offered to establish an S-400 maintenance, repair and overhaul facility in India, which would strengthen long-term sustainment of the system.

India is separately developing the indigenous Advanced Medium Combat Aircraft, but its first flight is not expected before 2029–30. The Su-57 proposal could therefore give New Delhi another option for adding a fifth-generation fighter capability while the AMCA program progresses.

The two sides are also discussing the possible acquisition of around 300 Russian R-37M long-range air-to-air missiles. These weapons, with ranges exceeding 300 kilometres, would significantly enhance the reach of India’s air combat capability.

For the Su-30MKI fleet, the 177S proposal could provide an engine upgrade alongside the wider Super Sukhoi program. However, any move would depend on technical evaluation, cost considerations, technology transfer arrangements and the scope for local production. The decision will be closely watched as it could shape the trajectory of India’s combat aviation modernisation for decades.

Agencies


BRICS Leaders Unite In Delhi, China Backs New Delhi Declaration On Pahalgam Attack


Member states of BRICS formally adopted the New Delhi Declaration 2026 at the summit held in Delhi on 12 September, condemning the Pahalgam terrorist attack in the strongest terms.

The declaration reaffirmed the grouping’s collective commitment to combating terrorism in all its forms, including the cross-border movement of terrorists, terrorism financing and the existence of safe havens. It also rejected double standards in countering terrorism, stressing the importance of consistency in global responses.

The declaration emphasised the need to counter extremism and radicalisation, particularly among younger generations. It highlighted the importance of enhancing cooperation among BRICS countries and their competent authorities, including through the sharing of best practices.

The member states vowed to ensure zero tolerance for terrorism and reiterated that terrorism should not be associated with any religion, nationality, civilisation or ethnic group. They underlined that all those involved in terrorist activities and their supporters must be held accountable and brought to justice in accordance with relevant national and international law.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi, addressing the summit, said that discussions had made it evident that the changing world could not be steered by outdated institutions. He stressed that the Global South must have equal participation in decision-making at the world stage.

PM Modi further emphasised that the Global South must also have equal participation in the development of future technologies and the rules governing them.

He noted that the gap between decisions and their outcomes must be bridged through partnership and collective action. He added that the New Delhi Declaration provides a clear direction for shared resolve and that it is now the responsibility of member states to translate these resolutions into tangible results.

The adoption of the declaration followed days of negotiations aimed at bridging divides between Iran and the United Arab Emirates, which remain on opposite sides of the West Asia conflict. The West Asia crisis overshadowed this year’s summit, with Russia and China on one side, and the UAE, Saudi Arabia and Egypt on the other. Consensus had appeared increasingly elusive amid escalating tensions, as the Iran-Russia axis and Arab energy giants pulled the grouping in opposing directions.

In recent days, positions hardened further as Iran-backed Houthis made rapid advances in Yemen. They captured the Yemeni port city of Mokha and the island of Perim from Saudi-backed pro-government forces.

Control of these strategic locations has enabled them to threaten traffic through the Red Sea, a critical waterway through which around 12 per cent of the world’s seaborne oil and 30 per cent of container traffic passes. This development added urgency to the summit’s deliberations and underscored the importance of consensus among BRICS members.

Earlier in May, when India hosted the BRICS foreign ministers’ meeting, members failed to reach a consensus and no joint statement was issued. Instead, India released a chair’s statement at the conclusion of the meeting.

The successful adoption of the New Delhi Declaration at the summit therefore marks a significant achievement for India’s chairship and reflects the grouping’s determination to overcome divisions and present a united front on global security challenges.

Agencies


BRICS’ Currency Debate Shifts From Dollar Challenge To Diversification


BRICS leaders gathered in New Delhi with de-dollarisation once again dominating the economic conversation.

While the rhetoric around reducing dependence on the dollar has intensified, the practical reality remains far more complex. India’s position is clear: it favours bilateral local-currency trade and interoperable cross-border payment systems rather than a common BRICS currency or a direct challenge to the dollar.

The term ‘de-dollarisation’, coined in the 1960s by economist Robert Triffin, has gained renewed political charge in recent years. Yet despite decades of debate, moving away from the world’s reserve currency is easier said than done.

The paradox is striking: global discourse on de-dollarisation is louder than ever, but the dollar remains deeply entrenched in international finance. The Bank for International Settlements reported that in April 2025, the dollar was involved in 89.2 per cent of all foreign-exchange trades, while the Chinese renminbi accounted for just 8.5 per cent.

This underlines the distinction between de-dollarisation and diversification. The dollar is losing ground at the margins, but its dominance remains overwhelming.

The IMF’s latest COFER data shows the dollar accounted for 57.13 per cent of global foreign-exchange reserves in the first quarter of 2026, up from 56.42 per cent in the previous quarter. Exchange-rate movements complicate these figures, but the broader trend suggests moderation rather than collapse.

Economists such as Radhika Rao of DBS argue that the most likely outcome is “less exclusive dollarisation” rather than its end. Trade flows are increasingly settled in alternative currencies, particularly the yuan, and the euro is being positioned as another potential alternative.

Yet the dollar’s infrastructure advantage—its deep capital markets, trusted payment systems and global acceptance—remains unmatched.

China’s yuan has emerged as the most visible beneficiary of diversification, with its share of FX turnover rising to 8.5 per cent in 2025. Russia and China have expanded bilateral trade in their national currencies, especially after Western sanctions reshaped Russia’s financial architecture.

However, experts caution that a growing yuan footprint does not equate to a yuan-led global order. The US accounts for only 13–15 per cent of global trade, yet the dollar’s role in invoicing and payments is several times larger, reflecting its embedded position in global finance.

BRICS has never formally declared war on the dollar. Since the 2009 Yekaterinburg summit, the bloc has focused on diversification, local-currency settlement and cross-border payments rather than outright replacement. Mihaela Papa of MIT highlights that the debate is better framed as diversification, not de-dollarisation.

The most promising area lies in interoperable payment systems, which can be achieved without the political impossibility of a joint currency.

India’s approach reflects strategic caution. It advocates bilateral local-currency transactions and integration of central-bank digital currencies to facilitate cross-border payments. Reuters reported ahead of the 2026 summit that India was pushing for such integration, aiming to make transactions easier rather than replace the dollar.

Harsh Pant of ORF emphasises that India does not want to swap American economic hegemony for Chinese dominance, preferring bilateral dealings over bloc-wide monetary projects.

The idea of a common BRICS currency, though politically charged, faces insurmountable hurdles. With 11 diverse economies at different stages of development, the bloc lacks the fiscal and monetary convergence that enabled the euro. Divergent inflation rates, interest regimes and fiscal positions make a shared currency unrealistic under current circumstances.

Diversification, therefore, emerges as the compromise. Many BRICS members remain comfortable within the dollar framework, but bilateral local-currency transactions—such as India-Russia rupee-ruble exchanges—offer a workable path.

The New Development Bank is also expanding local-currency financing, aiming for 40–50 per cent in its 2027–31 strategy, up from 30 per cent earlier. This represents tangible diversification, though not a challenge to dollar dominance.

China’s outsized role within BRICS complicates progress. Its economy and currency dwarf those of other members, raising concerns about imbalance. India, in particular, seeks autonomy without dependence on Beijing. Papa notes that BRICS resembles a China hub with peripheral members, fuelling sensitivities that slow progress.

The most realistic outcome for BRICS is gradual construction of alternatives: more bilateral local-currency trade, greater use of national currencies in development financing, interoperable digital payment systems and expanded cross-border payment options.

This would create more choices without dismantling dollar dominance. Papa concludes that while diversification is advancing, dollar dominance remains strong and unlikely to fade soon. The contradiction persists: BRICS wants alternatives, but its largest members also want their own currencies to gain global influence.

Agencies


PM Modi Welcomes President Xi To Bharat Mandapam As BRICS Summit Opens In New Delhi


Chinese President Xi Jinping arrived at Bharat Mandapam in New Delhi on Saturday to attend the BRICS Summit 2026 under India’s chairship.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi welcomed President Xi at the venue, marking a significant moment in the summit proceedings.

The Ministry of External Affairs posted on X, “Warm welcome to President Xi Jinping of the People’s Republic of China on his arrival in New Delhi to attend the 18th BRICS Summit.

He was received by MoS Jitin Prasada at the airport. We look forward to constructive discussions as BRICS continues to advance cooperation and contribute to a more balanced, representative and multipolar world.”

President Xi’s entourage includes Cai Qi, a member of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China (CPC) Central Committee and director of the General Office of the CPC Central Committee, along with Wang Yi, Chinese foreign minister and a member of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee.

Prime Minister Modi and President Xi are scheduled to hold a much-awaited bilateral meeting this evening on the sidelines of the summit.

Prime Minister Modi also welcomed Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian to Bharat Mandapam.

He met and greeted Brazilian Foreign Affairs Minister Mauro Vieira, Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed Ali, Crown Prince of Abu Dhabi Sheikh Khaled bin Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan, and Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto at the venue.

Prime Minister Modi was accompanied by External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar during these engagements.

Leaders representing BRICS nations will hold a closed session on “Inclusive Global Governance and Strengthening Multilateralism” at the Summit Hall.

The leaders will also witness the Bharat Innovates Exhibition, showcasing India’s technological and developmental initiatives.

India is hosting the 18th BRICS Summit in New Delhi on 12–13 September. India’s chairship is guided by the theme “Building for Resilience, Innovation, Cooperation and Sustainability”, with development, sustainability and innovation forming the core areas of focus.

BRICS has emerged as a vital platform for coordination among major emerging economies and for advancing the interests of the Global South in multilateral institutions. Its agenda spans development, finance, technology, trade, and people-to-people exchanges.

The grouping currently comprises 11 countries — Brazil, China, Egypt, Ethiopia, India, Indonesia, Iran, Russia, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, and the UAE.

India’s chairship comes at a time of global economic fragmentation, technological disruption, geopolitical uncertainty, climate change, and resource pressures. The expanded grouping provides a platform for cooperation on development, climate action, technology, energy, and financial resilience, while also contributing to discussions on reforms in global institutions.

For India, the 2026 chairship is focused on translating the expanded representation of BRICS into meaningful cooperation and tangible outcomes, while building consensus among its diverse members and strengthening the effectiveness of existing mechanisms.

Earlier today, Prime Minister Modi held a series of bilateral meetings.

With Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed Ali, he discussed defence, investment linkages, critical minerals, and clean energy, stating that the two nations are taking an “old friendship into new frontiers.”

On X, Prime Minister Modi posted, “India and Ethiopia are taking an old friendship into new frontiers! Delighted to welcome PM Dr. Abiy Ahmed Ali on his first visit to India. Today’s talks covered: Defence. Capacity building. Investment linkages. Critical minerals. Clean energy. Healthcare. Together, we will also strengthen India-Africa ties and amplify the voice of the Global South.”

Following his meeting with Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim, Prime Minister Modi hailed the growing defence partnership and expanding two-way investments between the two nations.

ANI


EU Clears Runway: Landmark India Trade Deal Heads To Council

PM Modi with NATO chief Mark Rutte, President of the EU Commission Ursula von der Leyen

The European Commission has formally advanced the India–EU Free Trade Agreement (FTA) to the Council for approval, marking a decisive step towards what is expected to be the largest trade pact ever signed between the two sides.

If authorised, the deal could be signed by December 2026 and enter into force in early 2027, unlocking sweeping tariff cuts and expanded market access.

The European Commission has submitted proposals to the Council of the European Union for the signing and conclusion of the FTA. This follows the political conclusion of negotiations in January 2026 after nearly two decades of talks.

The Council’s approval will be required before the European Parliament consents, while India is simultaneously undertaking its own ratification procedures through the Union Cabinet and the President’s office.

The agreement is designed to improve market access, reduce tariffs, dismantle unnecessary trade barriers, and establish predictable rules for trade and investment. It represents a fast-track approach to trade implementation, reflecting the EU’s strategy to accelerate agreements amid global geopolitical uncertainty and mounting pressure on the trading system.

Currently, the EU and India trade goods and services worth more than €180 billion annually, equivalent to approximately ₹16,20,000 crores, supporting nearly 800,000 EU jobs. Under the FTA, tariffs will be eliminated or reduced on 96% of EU goods exports to India.

This is expected to save European exporters around €4 billion annually in duties, which translates to nearly ₹36,000 crores. On the Indian side, the deal grants preferential access to 97% of EU tariff lines, covering 99.5% of trade value, with more than 70% of tariff lines seeing immediate duty elimination.

The agreement will make it easier for European companies to enter and compete in the Indian market, while Indian exporters will gain duty-free access to over 99% of EU tariff lines, including sectors such as apparel, chemicals, and footwear.

Consumers on both sides are expected to benefit from greater choice and more competitive prices. The EU will also gain access to the Indian market for cars and wines at concessional duties.

EU Trade and Economic Security Commissioner Maroš Šefčovič emphasised that the focus is on ensuring businesses and citizens experience tangible benefits quickly.

Brussels has set a goal of doubling European exports to India by 2032 following the conclusion of the deal. India, meanwhile, had a trade surplus of around $6 billion (₹50,000 crores) with the EU in FY26, with imports from the region standing at $66 billion (₹5,50,000 crores).

The move has been welcomed by EU Ambassador-designate to India Jean-Eric Paquet, who described the development as “one step closer to the finish line.” Commerce and Industry Minister Piyush Goyal also confirmed earlier this month that all 27 EU member states had backed the pact, calling the unanimity unusual by the bloc’s standards and stressing that sensitive sectors on both sides had been protected.

The agreement is not only an economic milestone but also a strategic push by the EU to strengthen ties with India and deepen engagement with a key partner in the Indo-Pacific region.

Leaders on both sides have expressed confidence that the FTA will come into force in the first half of 2027, cementing a new era in India–EU relations.

Agencies


Thwarted, Denied To Tech Dominance: The 34-Year Saga of India's Cryogenic Engine Mastery


India's cryogenic engine journey spans 34 years of perseverance, technological denial, and eventual self-reliance that transformed the nation into one of only six countries with this advanced capability. What began as a thwarted technology transfer deal in 1991 culminated in fully indigenous engines powering missions to the Moon and enabling human spaceflight ambitions.

The Genesis: A Deal That Never Was

The story traces back to January 1991 when the Indian Space Research Organisation signed a ₹235 crore contract with Glavkosmos, the Soviet space agency, for seven cryogenic engines along with complete technology transfer. This agreement was meant to power the Geosynchronous Satellite Launch Vehicle program, giving India the ability to place medium-sized satellites into geostationary orbit.

Cryogenic engines burn liquid hydrogen at approximately minus 253 degrees Celsius, releasing energy powerful enough to lift heavy payloads into orbit. Only a handful of nations had mastered this complex technology, making it a strategic capability with significant geopolitical implications.

The American Intervention

In May 1992, the United States invoked Missile Technology Control Regime provisions to scuttle the Indo-Russian deal, imposing sanctions on both ISRO and Glavkosmos. The US argued that cryogenic technology could potentially be used for ballistic missiles, despite the fact that such engines are impractical for military applications due to their complexity and the difficulty of storing cryogenic fuels.

President George Bush's administration pressured the newly weakened Russia following the Soviet Union's collapse. Joe Biden, then serving on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, described the sale as "dangerous" and moved amendments linking US aid to Russia with the cancellation of the cryogenic deal. Russia ultimately invoked force majeure and withdrew from the technology transfer agreement.

The Modified Agreement

Under intense American pressure, Russia renegotiated the contract in 1992. Instead of five cryogenic stages with technology transfer, Russia agreed to supply seven ready-made cryogenic engines and one ground mock-up stage without any technology sharing. This left ISRO with hardware but no knowledge of how to manufacture or improve upon it.

The engines ISRO received had never been flight-tested anywhere in the world. Indian engineers discovered they would need to work extensively to integrate these unfamiliar systems into their launch vehicle, learning through trial and error without technical documentation or performance data.

The Indigenous Program Begins

Undaunted by the technology denial, ISRO formally launched the Cryogenic Upper Stage Project in April 1994. The Space Commission approved a ₹280 crore project to develop an Indian cryogenic engine internally, marking the beginning of what would become a two-decade engineering odyssey.

A team of seven scientists constituted the Cryogenic Technology Project, starting with a clean slate. Many had never even heard of cryogenic engines before. They had to learn everything from scratch: how to obtain liquid oxygen and liquid hydrogen, how to handle these volatile propellants, and how to design an engine that could operate at extreme temperatures.


Early Setbacks And Learning

By 1988, even before the formal project began, engineers like Mr. Gnanagandhi had set up facilities and created a one-ton prototype engine. It blew up during testing, teaching harsh lessons about hydrogen under pressure. These early failures, though painful, provided invaluable practical knowledge that no textbook could offer.

The journey was shot through with frustrations, technology denials, quiet diplomacy, and relentless hard work. ISRO engineers worked in relative isolation, unable to consult international experts or access proprietary information that other spacefaring nations took for granted.

The GSLV's Troubled Early Years

The first development flight of GSLV with a cryogenic upper stage occurred on April 18, 2001, placing GSAT-1 into geosynchronous transfer orbit but achieving only partial success. The rocket gained an unflattering nickname: the "naughty boy" due to its checkered reliability record.

Between 2001 and 2010, GSLV conducted six flights using Russian-supplied KVD-1 engines. Only two were complete successes. Two launches achieved partial success with the cryogenic stage underperforming and placing satellites in lower orbits than planned. Two other flights ended in complete failures with total vehicle destruction.

The first successful test flight using a Russian cryogenic engine came in May 2003 with GSLV-D2, which successfully deployed GSAT-2. This proved the basic vehicle design could work but highlighted India's dependence on foreign hardware for critical missions.

Indigenous Engine Development Continues

While flying Russian engines, ISRO continued developing its own cryogenic technology in parallel. The CE-7.5 engine, producing 7.5 tons of thrust, represented India's first indigenous cryogenic rocket engine designed to power the upper stage of GSLV MK-II. The development process involved mastering complex engineering challenges: turbo pumps that could handle cryogenic propellants at extreme flow rates, combustion chambers that could withstand violent energy release, and ignition systems that worked reliably in the vacuum of space.

The First Indigenous Flight

April 15, 2010 marked the first flight of GSLV-D3 with India's own cryogenic upper stage. The mission failed to reach orbit due to a malfunction in the Fuel Booster Turbo Pump of the indigenous cryogenic stage. This setback, though disappointing, provided critical data for improvements. December 25, 2010 brought another failure when GSLV-F06, the second flight with the indigenous cryogenic upper stage, also failed to achieve orbit. Two consecutive failures raised questions about the program's viability, but ISRO engineers remained committed to solving the technical challenges.

The Breakthrough & Operational Success

January 5, 2014 became a watershed moment in Indian space history. At 4:35 p.m., GSLV-D5 successfully placed the 1,982-kilogram GSAT-14 communication satellite into a precise geostationary transfer orbit using the indigenous CE-7.5 cryogenic engine. India's 20-year "Tapasya" had ended in triumph.

This success made India the sixth nation in the world to master cryogenic technology, joining an exclusive club consisting of the United States, Russia, France, China, and Japan. The achievement demonstrated that sustained investment in indigenous research could overcome even the most determined technology denial regimes.

Following the 2014 breakthrough, ISRO achieved consistent success with the indigenous cryogenic engine. September 8, 2016 saw the first operational flight using the homegrown CE-7.5, launching INSAT-3DR.

This marked the transition from developmental flights to regular operational missions. Since 2014, GSLV has executed 11 missions with 10 successes, achieving a remarkable 90.9 percent success rate. The launcher transformed from an unreliable vehicle into a dependable workhorse for placing communication satellites into geostationary orbit.

The CE-20: A More Powerful Engine

While the CE-7.5 served GSLV MK-II, ISRO developed an even more powerful cryogenic engine for its next-generation heavy-lift rocket. The CE-20 produces 200 kN of thrust and achieves a specific impulse of 442 seconds in vacuum, making it India's first cryogenic engine to use a gas-generator cycle. The CE-20 powers the LVM3 (formerly GSLV MK-III), India's heaviest launch vehicle capable of placing 4-ton class satellites into geostationary orbit. This rocket earned the nickname "Fat Boy" due to its substantial size and lifting capacity.

LVM-3's Maiden Flight

After several delays and a sub-orbital test flight on December 18, 2014, ISRO successfully conducted the first orbital test launch of LVM-3 on June 5, 2017 from the Satish Dhawan Space Centre. The rocket carried the 3,136 kg GSAT-19 satellite, demonstrating India's newfound heavy-lift capability.

The CE-20 engine has since flown successfully on eight consecutive LVM-3 missions as of July 2026. These include Chandrayaan-2, Chandrayaan-3, and multiple commercial satellite launches, establishing the engine's reliability for critical missions.

Manufacturing Infrastructure

To support production of cryogenic engines, ISRO established dedicated manufacturing facilities. HAL's Integrated Cryogenic Engine Manufacturing Facility in Bangalore was inaugurated on September 27, 2022 with a ₹208 crore investment. This facility now produces CE-20 modules and the SE-2000 semi-cryogenic engine. The establishment of domestic manufacturing capacity ensured that India achieved zero import dependence for cryogenic technology by 2026. This self-reliance extended from raw materials to finished engines, eliminating vulnerability to future technology embargoes.

Human Rating For Gaganyaan

The CE-20 engine underwent human-rating certification to support India's Gaganyaan human spaceflight program. This rigorous process ensured the engine met the heightened safety standards required for carrying astronauts, with successful completion announced in February 2024. The engine's reliability record of eight consecutive successful flights provided confidence for human spaceflight applications. Gaganyaan missions will rely on this proven technology to safely carry Indian astronauts into orbit.

Semi-Cryogenic Development

Parallel to cryogenic development, ISRO pursued semi-cryogenic engine technology using refined kerosene and liquid oxygen. On December 22, 2008, the government approved development of this technology at an estimated cost of ₹1,798 crore, with the engine designated SE-2000.

The SE-2000 produces 2,000 kN of thrust and will power the core stage of next-generation launch vehicles. On March 28, 2025, ISRO successfully conducted the first hot test of the SE-2000 Power Head Test Article at Mahendragiri, marking a major milestone in this program.

Project Soorya: The Next Generation

ISRO's Next Generation Launch Vehicle (NGLV), now called Project Soorya, represents the culmination of decades of cryogenic and semi-cryogenic development. Approved in September 2024, this vehicle will combine three semi-cryogenic core stages with a cryogenic upper stage to lift 30,000 kg to low Earth orbit. The core stage, designated SC160, will contain 160 tons of kerosene and liquid oxygen propellant powered by a single SE-2000 engine. The cryogenic upper stage, C30, will carry 30 tons of liquid hydrogen and liquid oxygen powered by a CE-20 engine.

NISAR: A Symbol of Vindication

In a remarkable twist of history, the NISAR satellite mission—a joint project between India and the United States—flew on GSLV MK-II with an Indian cryogenic engine in July 2025. Thirty-four years after the US blocked cryogenic technology transfer, American and Indian scientists collaborated on a mission powered entirely by India's indigenous cryogenic technology.

This mission symbolised the complete reversal of India's position from technology supplicant to equal partner. The same nation that once faced sanctions for seeking cryogenic engines now supplied launch services for joint missions with the country that had imposed those sanctions.

Strategic Implications

India's cryogenic achievement carried profound strategic implications beyond space exploration. The technology demonstrated India's ability to overcome determined international opposition through sustained indigenous development. It proved that technology denial regimes could be defeated through patience and investment in domestic capabilities.

The mastery of cryogenic technology also enhanced India's position in the global commercial satellite launch market. With reliable indigenous engines, ISRO could offer competitive launch services without dependence on foreign suppliers or vulnerability to geopolitical pressures.

The Human Element

Throughout the 34-year journey, individual engineers and scientists drove progress through personal commitment. Teams worked through failures that would have discouraged less determined organizations. Each setback became a learning opportunity rather than a reason to abandon the program.

The story includes moments of quiet diplomacy, technical ingenuity, and sheer stubbornness in the face of adversity. From engineers learning about liquid hydrogen for the first time to directors overseeing complex integration efforts, thousands contributed to the ultimate success.

Current Status And Future

As of 2026, India produces cryogenic engines entirely with indigenous technology. The CE-20 remains in active production with a flawless recent flight record. The SE-2000 semi-cryogenic engine has completed critical testing and moves toward operational deployment.

Project Soorya aims for first flight by 2035, with ambitions for lunar missions by 2040. These goals rest on the foundation built during the cryogenic program's difficult decades. The knowledge gained from CE-7.5 and CE-20 development directly informs these next-generation systems.

Lessons For Other Programs

India's cryogenic success offers a template for other technology areas where import dependence creates vulnerability. The combination of sustained funding, institutional continuity, tolerance for failure during development, and refusal to accept permanent technology denial produced results that short-cut approaches could never achieve.

The program demonstrated that complex technology could be mastered through systematic effort even when starting from zero knowledge. It validated the strategy of parallel development: flying purchased hardware while building indigenous alternatives, ensuring mission continuity during the learning process.

Global Context

When India began its cryogenic journey, only five nations possessed this capability. Today, India stands among them as a proven practitioner. The CE-20's performance matches or exceeds comparable engines from other spacefaring nations, demonstrating that latecomers can achieve parity through dedicated effort.

India's 2016 accession to the Missile Technology Control Regime itself represents a complete reversal from the 1992 sanctions. The country once denied technology under MTCR provisions now participates as a full member in the regime, highlighting how strategic capabilities change diplomatic standing.

The Road Ahead

Future developments include scaling up cryogenic technology for heavier lift vehicles, improving engine efficiency, and reducing manufacturing costs. The experience gained from CE-7.5 and CE-20 production informs designs for even more powerful engines needed for deep space missions.

Reusable launch vehicle concepts under study may incorporate cryogenic upper stages derived from current technology. The knowledge base established over 34 years provides a foundation for innovations that were unimaginable when the program began in 1992.

Conclusion of A Chapter

The 34-year cryogenic journey represents one of India's most significant technological achievements. From a blocked deal in 1991 to launching joint missions with the United States in 2025, the trajectory demonstrates the power of sustained investment in indigenous capabilities.

What began as a necessity imposed by technology denial evolved into a source of national pride and strategic capability. The cryogenic program's success enabled missions to the Moon, plans for human spaceflight, and ambitions for interplanetary exploration that would have been impossible without this foundational technology.

IDN (With Agency Inputs)


India Embeds Drones Into Every Formation As Spectrum War With Pakistan Intensifies


India’s military doctrine has shifted decisively, embedding drones into the very lowest levels of combat formations.

Operation Sindoor proved that unmanned systems were no longer auxiliary assets but frontline tools, performing as much of the real work as fighter jets and missiles.

The Army has now institutionalised this lesson, ensuring that drones are integral to every arm of the force.

Nearly 385 infantry battalions are being equipped with their own Ashni platoons. Each platoon carries ten drones, four dedicated to surveillance and six configured as kamikaze loitering munitions. This means a frontline company commander no longer needs to route a strike request up the chain of command.

He can identify a target and neutralise it directly from his own position, compressing the decision cycle and enhancing battlefield autonomy.

The armoured corps has introduced Shaurya Squadrons, tested during Exercise Amogh Jwala near Jhansi. These squadrons embed drone crews directly into tank regiments operating T-90s and Arjuns. Armour now has its own eyes and strike capability, independent of higher formations.

Artillery units are similarly reinforced with Divyastra batteries, integrating drones into gun positions for precision targeting. Light infantry formations are being restructured into Bhairav commando battalions, designed for rapid, drone-integrated operations. None of these exist in isolation; they are all part of a unified doctrine where every arm possesses its own organic drone layer rather than borrowing one.

Behind this tactical rollout lies a major procurement drive. India is fast-tracking 87 indigenous Medium Altitude Long Endurance (MALE) drones, with at least 60 percent local content.

This marks the first time private manufacturers have been awarded a MALE contract at such scale, breaking decades of reliance on Israeli imports. MALE drones can loiter for hours over border stretches, conducting surveillance and precision strikes without requiring nearby runways.

DRDO’s catalogue now exceeds a hundred platforms. Archer-NG, initially a surveillance drone, is being armed with precision bombs and air-to-air missiles, enabling it to both monitor and destroy targets. Ghatak, the stealth combat drone, is designed to penetrate enemy air defences and strike deep without risking pilots.

TAPAS-BH is India’s indigenous long endurance surveillance platform for the Line of Actual Control and Line of Control. All three are progressing from prototype to induction. Above them sits the High Altitude Long Endurance (HALE) class, capable of flying higher and staying airborne for days, monitoring vast stretches of ocean or border.

India does not yet have an indigenous HALE ready, so leased American MQ-9B SeaGuardians currently fill the gap, flying above 50,000 feet over the Indian Ocean while domestic HALE programs advance.

A drone force is incomplete without counter-drone measures. Akashteer, the Army’s automated air defence grid, links radars, guns and missile batteries into a single network. It was proven during Operation Sindoor, working alongside the IAF’s Integrated Air Command and Control System (IACCS) and the Navy’s Trigun to intercept Pakistani drones and rockets with minimal damage.

The newly cleared Akash Tarang system adds another counter-drone layer, supported by upgraded L-70 guns. All these systems are integrated under Mission Sudarshan Chakra, the Prime Minister’s 2035 vision for a layered, AI-enabled national air defence net capable of protecting everything from individual bases to entire cities.

Pakistan is simultaneously attempting to close its own vulnerabilities. Under the Mecca Pact, Islamabad has inducted Turkish Korkut 35mm guns, Sahin counter-UAS turrets and Chinese HQ-17AE missiles. 

This is a direct response to the BrahMos strikes during Sindoor that exposed its air bases. However, reliance on imports alone cannot fully address structural weaknesses in its defence grid.

Satellite imagery reveals Pakistan expanding its electronic warfare footprint along the frontier. A suspected Electronic Support Measures node has appeared at Dadyal in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir, just 33 km from the Line of Control. Additional ELINT infrastructure is emerging near hardened shelters at PAF Base Sindhri in Sindh.

Together, these developments suggest Islamabad is building a networked electronic warfare grid to monitor Indian troop movements on one flank and Indian Air Force activity on the other. This directly impacts the drone fight.

Every loitering munition, every Ashni platoon quadcopter, every Akashteer sensor link depends on GPS and radio communications, all of which can be jammed, spoofed or intercepted by a robust EW network. A denser Pakistani EW presence means Indian drone swarms must now operate in more contested electromagnetic environments than during Sindoor.

India is responding with its own electronic warfare capabilities. DRDO’s EW suites on Su-30MKI and Rafale fighters, along with ground-based jamming systems deployed along the LoC and LAC, are as critical as the drones themselves.

They ensure that India’s unmanned systems can continue to operate effectively even in hostile electromagnetic conditions, maintaining dominance in the evolving spectrum war.

Agencies


PM Modi Welcomes President Putin To Bharat Mandapam As BRICS Summit Opens In New Delhi


Prime Minister Narendra Modi welcomed Russian President Vladimir Putin at Bharat Mandapam in New Delhi on Saturday as the 18th BRICS Summit commenced under India’s chairship.

The leaders were greeted against the backdrop of the iconic Ramanathaswamy Temple in Rameswaram, Tamil Nadu, symbolising India’s cultural heritage.

On Friday, PM Modi had already engaged in a packed day of diplomacy. He held separate meetings with President Putin and Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian, met United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres, and addressed the BRICS Business Forum. These engagements underscored India’s active role in steering the summit’s agenda.

The meeting with Putin marked the second interaction between the two leaders this year.

Their earlier meeting took place in August on the sidelines of the 26th SCO Summit in Bishkek. According to the Ministry of External Affairs, discussions reviewed progress in bilateral cooperation across political, economic, defence, energy, space, skill mobility and people-to-people domains.

They also addressed India’s BRICS chairship, multilateral engagement, and pressing regional and global issues, including conflicts in West Asia and the Black Sea region.

In a significant diplomatic breakthrough, BRICS nations reached consensus on a Joint Statement after intensive negotiations that continued until 4 am on Saturday. India played a central role in bridging differences and building consensus among members.

The statement is expected to reflect collective positions on contentious issues and highlight the grouping’s unity.

India is hosting the 18th BRICS Summit on September 12–13 under the theme “Building for Resilience, Innovation, Cooperation and Sustainability.” Development, sustainability and innovation are key areas of focus.

BRICS has become an important platform for coordination among major emerging economies and for advancing the interests of the Global South in multilateral institutions. Its agenda spans development, finance, technology, trade and people-to-people exchanges.

The grouping now comprises 11 countries: Brazil, China, Egypt, Ethiopia, India, Indonesia, Iran, Russia, Saudi Arabia, South Africa and the UAE. India’s chairship comes at a time of global economic fragmentation, technological disruption, geopolitical uncertainty, climate change and resource pressures. 

The expanded BRICS framework provides a platform for cooperation on development, climate action, technology, energy and financial resilience, while also contributing to discussions on reforms in global institutions.

India’s 2026 chairship is focused on translating expanded representation into meaningful cooperation and tangible outcomes. It aims to build consensus among diverse members and strengthen the effectiveness of existing mechanisms.

Earlier today, PM Modi held a series of bilateral meetings. With Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed Ali, he discussed defence, investment linkages, critical minerals and clean energy.

PM Modi described the talks as taking an “old friendship into new frontiers,” highlighting cooperation in defence, capacity building, healthcare and clean energy. He also emphasised strengthening India-Africa ties and amplifying the voice of the Global South.

In his meeting with Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim, Modi hailed the growing defence partnership and expanding two-way investments between the two nations. These bilateral engagements reinforced India’s broader diplomatic outreach during the summit.

The BRICS Summit in New Delhi is set to showcase India’s leadership in fostering resilience, innovation and cooperation among emerging economies, while also advancing the collective voice of the Global South in global governance.

ANI


Xi Jinping’s India Visit With Power Team Signals High‑Stakes Diplomacy


Chinese President Xi Jinping has landed in New Delhi for the 18th BRICS Summit, accompanied by two of his most powerful aides — Cai Qi and Wang Yi — signalling the high diplomatic weight of his visit.

This marks Xi’s first trip to India in nearly seven years, with a bilateral meeting with Prime Minister Narendra Modi set to be closely watched for its impact on India‑China relations.

Xi Jinping arrived in New Delhi on Saturday morning at the invitation of Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

He was received by Union Minister of State Jitin Prasada, underscoring the ceremonial importance of the visit. This is Xi’s first India trip since 2019, when he met Modi in Mamallapuram, and his fourth overall since 2014.

Travelling with Xi are Cai Qi and Wang Yi, two of China’s most senior officials. Cai Qi is a member of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China (CPC) and serves as director of the General Office of the CPC Central Committee.

He is widely regarded as Xi’s right‑hand man and China’s second‑most powerful leader, having risen rapidly through the party ranks. His presence highlights the strategic importance Beijing attaches to Xi’s engagements in India.

Wang Yi, China’s Foreign Minister and a member of the CPC Political Bureau, is another key figure in the delegation. He has been deeply involved in India‑China diplomatic exchanges, particularly on the boundary issue.

Just weeks before Xi’s visit, Wang held extensive talks with India’s National Security Adviser Ajit Doval in Beijing during the 25th round of Special Representatives’ discussions. The two sides reached an eight‑point consensus, including advancing talks on boundary delimitation and border management, aiming for what both termed an “early and substantial harvest.”

Xi’s meeting with Modi is expected to be pivotal. It will be the third consecutive year the two leaders have met, following interactions in Kazan and Tianjin. Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Mao Ning emphasised that Beijing seeks to act on the strategic guidance of the two leaders, handle relations from a long‑term perspective, step up communication, enhance cooperation, and properly manage differences.

She described China and India as “friends enjoying good‑neighbourliness and partners helping each other succeed.”

Xi will also address the BRICS Summit, engaging in in‑depth exchanges with other leaders on pressing issues such as the international situation, BRICS institutional development, and practical cooperation. He is expected to put forward new Chinese initiatives to chart the course for deeper BRICS collaboration.

The summit is taking place against the backdrop of the Iran‑US conflict and the Russia‑Ukraine war, with China advocating a common, cooperative and sustainable approach to security.

Mao Ning stressed that Beijing is committed to promoting political settlements of hotspot issues through dialogue and looks forward to working with BRICS partners to safeguard regional and global peace.

The Modi‑Xi meeting will be closely scrutinised for signals on the future of India‑China relations, particularly regarding the border dispute and wider bilateral engagement.

The visit comes amid cautious efforts to stabilise ties following the deadly Galwan clashes of 2020 and years of strained relations. Xi’s presence, alongside Cai Qi and Wang Yi, underscores Beijing’s intent to elevate the diplomatic significance of this engagement.

India is hosting the 18th BRICS Summit in New Delhi on 12 and 13 September. After the summit, China will assume the rotating BRICS chairmanship, further shaping the grouping’s agenda in the coming year.

ANI


Modi, Putin And Xi Join Hands As BRICS 2026 Showcases Asia’s Rising Power


Prime Minister Narendra Modi has shared a striking photo with Russian President Vladimir Putin and Chinese President Xi Jinping at the BRICS Summit 2026 in New Delhi, symbolising a rare moment of unity among three major Asian powers.

The image, taken at Bharat Mandapam, has quickly become the defining visual of the summit, underscoring Asia’s growing confidence in shaping global governance.

The BRICS Summit 2026 officially commenced in New Delhi with India as the chair, guided by the theme “Building for Resilience, Innovation, Cooperation and Sustainability.” The photograph of Modi holding hands with Putin and Xi was widely circulated on social media, with the Prime Minister captioning it as the summit getting underway in Delhi.

This symbolic gesture was interpreted as a powerful message of solidarity despite the different national interests and ideological positions of the three leaders.

A central diplomatic challenge has been bridging the divide between Iran and the UAE, stemming from the ongoing U.S.-led war on Iran that began earlier this year and has disrupted oil flows through the Strait of Hormuz.

The conflict pushed crude prices above $100 a barrel and led the UAE to suspend all trade and financial transactions with Iran in August. Foreign ministers had failed to issue a joint statement in May due to these tensions, but optimism grew after the SCO summit in Bishkek produced a compromise text acceptable to divergent members.

Despite differing national positions on West Asia, leaders have reportedly agreed on a New Delhi Declaration that navigates these sensitivities while reaffirming core BRICS principles. The declaration emphasises dialogue, diplomacy, respect for sovereignty, and the protection of civilian lives and infrastructure. It also underscores the need for an immediate, permanent ceasefire in Gaza, full humanitarian access, and the release of all hostages.

On global governance, the leaders reiterated their commitment to reforming the UN, including the Security Council, to make it more representative of contemporary realities and to amplify the voice of the Global South. China and Russia explicitly reaffirmed support for the aspirations of Brazil and India to play greater roles in the UN system.

The ministers also called for reforms to the Bretton Woods Institutions, urging timely implementation of quota reviews and improved representation for emerging markets and developing economies.

Economic cooperation took centre stage with India pushing a pragmatic agenda on trade, finance, and technology. Key initiatives include the BRICS Global Value Chains Action Plan 2026–2030, aimed at making supply chains more resilient and inclusive. Leaders discussed expanding the New Development Bank’s mandate and capital base to better support infrastructure and sustainable development projects across member states.

A major focus was on cross-border payments, with India advocating for seamless digital transactions, greater interoperability of fast payment systems, and the adoption of central bank digital currencies (CBDCs). RBI Governor Sanjay Malhotra had earlier noted that reducing the cost of cross-border payments was a shared priority, and discussions examined possible linkages between national fast payment rails and CBDC pilots.

The goal is to enable faster, cheaper, and more transparent settlements in national currencies, reducing reliance on traditional correspondent banking.

Leaders also advanced a proposed BRICS Agreement on Cooperation and Mutual Administrative Assistance in Customs Matters, which aims to facilitate trusted trade, reduce transaction costs, and combat illicit flows.

In parallel, they endorsed the creation of a BRICS MSME Cooperation Portal, an Incubator Network, and a Start-up Innovation Fund to support small businesses and entrepreneurs across the bloc. An invoice discounting mechanism was proposed to improve smaller firms’ access to trade finance.

In agriculture, ministers launched a digital agriculture network and initiated dialogue on farmers’ rights in seed systems, genetic resources, and agricultural inputs. Building on the Deccan High-Level Principles on Food Security, they acknowledged the importance of national food reserve systems and looked forward to advancing the BRICS Grain Exchange initiative to stabilise commodity markets.

Health cooperation was strengthened through the July BRICS Health Ministerial Declaration, which prioritised universal health coverage, pandemic preparedness, digital health, affordable medicines, and mental wellness.

Energy ministers adopted principles on smart grids and energy storage and launched a dedicated digital centre of excellence to support just and equitable energy transitions tailored to national circumstances.

On security, the leaders condemned terrorism in all its forms, including the April 2025 attack in Jammu and Kashmir that killed 26 people. They called for zero tolerance, rejected double standards, and urged finalisation of the Comprehensive Convention on International Terrorism. The BRICS Counter-Terrorism Working Group was tasked with deepening cooperation on preventing cross-border terrorist movement, financing, and safe havens.

The summit also addressed illicit financial flows, organised scam networks, and the misuse of virtual assets for money laundering and fraud. Ministers stressed the need for coordinated action among customs authorities, financial intelligence units, and law enforcement agencies to dismantle criminal networks and recover proceeds.

In outer space, leaders reaffirmed support for the peaceful use of space systems and the prevention of an arms race in outer space (PAROS). They noted ongoing discussions at the UN on a legally binding instrument to prevent the placement of weapons in space and encouraged constructive engagement on transparency and confidence-building measures.

Camaraderie was on display through a series of bilateral and trilateral meetings on the sidelines. Modi held talks with Xi to review progress in stabilising India–China relations following last year’s border disengagement agreement, with both sides expressing willingness to deepen economic engagement.

PM Modi also met Putin to discuss energy cooperation, defence ties, and the impact of Western sanctions on trade. These interactions underscored India’s balancing act between its strategic partnerships and its role as BRICS chair.

Xi used the platform to urge BRICS to take on a greater peace making role in the Middle East, echoing proposals he advanced at the SCO summit. He emphasised the bloc’s collective responsibility to champion the interests of the Global South and to offer alternatives to Western-dominated institutions. Putin, meanwhile, highlighted the negative impact of unilateral sanctions on global stability and called for greater use of national currencies in trade.

The summit’s outreach session included leaders from partner countries such as Belarus, Cuba, Bolivia, Kazakhstan, Malaysia, Nigeria, Thailand, Uganda, Uzbekistan, and Vietnam, reflecting BRICS’ expanding network. Discussions touched on climate resilience, disaster preparedness, critical supply chains, and the role of artificial intelligence in the digital economy.

Urban development initiatives focused on sustainable mobility, climate-resilient infrastructure, and smart city technologies, while transport ministers reaffirmed commitments to developing resilient civil aviation and logistics networks. Anti-corruption cooperation was strengthened through the BRICS Anti-Corruption Working Group, which promoted asset recovery and the denial of safe havens for fugitive offenders.

The summit concluded with a reaffirmation of BRICS’ core values: mutual respect, equality, solidarity, openness, inclusiveness, and consensus-based decision-making. While differences on specific geopolitical issues remain, the ability to produce a joint declaration signals the bloc’s resilience and its ambition to shape a multipolar world order.

Agencies


India Strengthens Defence And Semiconductor Ties With Malaysia And Others On BRICS Sidelines


Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s bilateral meetings with the leaders of Ethiopia and Malaysia on the sidelines of the 18th Brics Summit have provided India with a fresh strategic and economic impetus. 

The discussions spanned defence cooperation, procurement, investment, mining and semiconductors, according to Government of India sources.

The meetings underscored New Delhi’s intent to expand partnerships with Africa and Southeast Asia. Both Ethiopia and Malaysia expressed interest in elevating their defence cooperation with India. 

Defence was a central theme, with talks covering joint personnel training and the possibility of procurement from India. This aligns with India’s broader push to expand defence exports and strengthen military partnerships through training, capacity building and equipment supplies.

The two countries also conveyed their willingness to encourage greater participation by Indian companies and investors in their economies. This is expected to open new opportunities for Indian industry as New Delhi deepens economic partnerships alongside its growing strategic engagement.

In the meeting with Ethiopia, the African nation specifically welcomed Indian mining companies. This signals scope for increased Indian participation in Ethiopia’s mining and mineral sectors.

The focus on mining comes against the backdrop of India’s interest in securing reliable access to critical minerals and strengthening commercial engagement with resource-rich African economies. Greater participation by Indian companies could expand bilateral economic ties beyond traditional areas of cooperation.

Defence also emerged as another important area in the India-Ethiopia discussions. Ethiopia showed keenness for stronger cooperation with India, including joint personnel training and defence procurement. This reflects Addis Ababa’s interest in diversifying its defence partnerships and India’s readiness to support capacity building in friendly nations.

The engagement with Malaysia placed particular emphasis on semiconductor opportunities. This reflects the growing importance of the sector in India-Malaysia economic relations.

India has been seeking to build partnerships across the global semiconductor supply chain, while Malaysia has emerged as a key player in assembly, testing and packaging. Discussions on opportunities in this sector could create avenues for greater cooperation between Indian and Malaysian companies.

Malaysia also expressed interest in strengthening defence cooperation with India, including personnel training and procurement. This mirrors the Ethiopian engagement and highlights the widening scope of India’s bilateral defence ties with emerging economies.

The discussions with both countries reflect India’s effort to move beyond traditional diplomatic and trade ties. The focus is now on defence manufacturing, strategic minerals, technology and industrial investment.

For New Delhi, these twin engagements reinforce its broader effort to build stronger partnerships with emerging economies while creating new opportunities for Indian businesses in strategically important sectors.

India’s outreach to Ethiopia and Malaysia on the Brics sidelines also complements its wider engagement with Africa and Southeast Asia. It demonstrates New Delhi’s intent to integrate defence, technology and investment into its foreign policy priorities, while positioning Indian companies to benefit from new opportunities in mining and semiconductors.

Agencies


China Southern Resumes Guangzhou–Delhi Flights As Prez Xi Is Set To Meet PM Modi Amid Noticeable Thaw


China Southern Airlines has announced the resumption of its direct Guangzhou–New Delhi service from 21 September, nearly six years after the route was suspended.

The decision was reported by Chinese state-backed newspaper Global Times and coincides with Chinese President Xi Jinping’s visit to New Delhi for the BRICS Summit, ahead of his bilateral meeting with Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

China’s Foreign Ministry confirmed that arrangements are being made for the meeting, with Beijing emphasising its intent to strengthen communication and cooperation with India while managing differences.

The airline will operate one daily flight on the Guangzhou–New Delhi route using Boeing 737-series aircraft. Flight CZ359 will depart Guangzhou Baiyun International Airport at 3:35 pm local time and arrive at Indira Gandhi International Airport in New Delhi at 7 pm.

The return flight CZ360 will leave Delhi at 8:20 pm and reach Guangzhou at 4:15 am the following day. According to Global Times, the resumption is expected to ease travel for tourists and students while supporting trade between the two countries.

China Southern becomes the third major Chinese airline to restore direct services to India after Air China and China Eastern Airlines. Air China resumed its Beijing–New Delhi service in April, operating three times a week.

China Eastern Airlines restarted its Kunming–Kolkata service on 18 April and had earlier resumed its Shanghai–New Delhi service in November 2025. These developments mark the gradual reopening of direct air links between India and China, which had been disrupted during the Covid-19 pandemic.

Indian carriers have also expanded their services to China. Air India resumed flights between New Delhi and China in February and is set to restart its Delhi–Shanghai service this month, with five flights a week.

IndiGo launched daily non-stop flights between Kolkata and Shanghai in March, after restoring its Kolkata–Guangzhou service and introducing flights between Delhi and Guangzhou. Together, these moves are rebuilding direct air connectivity between the two countries after a prolonged interruption.

The timing of China Southern’s return is significant as India and China seek to improve ties after years of tension. Relations deteriorated sharply following the 2020 border clash in eastern Ladakh, which led to restrictions on travel and curtailed people-to-people exchanges.

Since then, both countries have taken steps to reduce tensions and restore economic and travel links. Reuters reported that India–China relations have entered a cautious thaw, with direct flights, business travel and trade links gradually recovering. China was India’s largest source of imports in the 2025–26 fiscal year, with goods imports worth about ₹11 lakh crores.

Direct connectivity is crucial as it supports business travel, tourism, education and the movement of professionals. Qian Feng, director of the Research Department at Tsinghua University’s National Strategy Institute, told Global Times that the return of flights by major Chinese airlines reflects an improvement in bilateral relations. He added that stronger people-to-people exchanges could help facilitate cooperation and build greater mutual trust between India and China.

Xi Jinping’s visit to India is his first in seven years and comes at a time when both nations are attempting to stabilise ties while navigating complex economic relations.

Reuters noted earlier this week that the Xi–Modi meeting could help set the direction for the next phase of bilateral relations, although businesses in both countries continue to face regulatory, visa and investment hurdles.

The two leaders are expected to discuss bilateral issues during their meeting on the sidelines of the Brics Summit, which could shape the trajectory of India–China engagement in the coming years.

Agencies



PM Modi Says India Builds Economic Bridges Amid Rising Trade Barriers At BRICS Summit 2026

PM Modi in intense conversation with close ally and friend Russian President Vladimir Putin

Prime Minister Narendra Modi addressed the Leaders’ Session of the BRICS Business Forum at Bharat Mandapam in New Delhi, emphasising that India is building economic bridges at a time when trade barriers are rising globally.

He highlighted India’s growing network of free trade agreements, noting that the country has entered into agreements with nearly 40 nations since 2014. Modi underlined that this approach is strengthening economic cooperation within BRICS and beyond.

The Prime Minister pointed out that BRICS nations now account for 50 per cent of the world’s population, 40 per cent of global GDP and more than 25 per cent of global trade. He explained that while global GDP has grown around 2.5 times, the combined GDP of BRICS nations has expanded nearly 4.5 times.

He remarked that the economic strength of BRICS has grown at nearly twice the pace of the rest of the world, signalling the grouping’s increasing clout in the global economy.

Modi stressed the importance of secure global trade routes, stating that progress in global trade is possible only when sea lanes are secure, supply routes remain open and seafarers are safe. He reaffirmed India’s strong support for freedom of navigation and the safety of seafarers.

The Prime Minister also highlighted the role of women in the BRICS economy, describing the BRICS Women’s Business Alliance as a key part of India’s vision. He said India wants women entrepreneurs to lead the growth story, noting that around 200 women business leaders participated in the alliance’s meeting held in India.

Modi emphasised that BRICS nations are emerging as hubs for global innovation and solutions. He said India’s BRICS presidency has established cooperation networks in areas such as agriculture, health, skills and smart grids.

India has promoted initiatives including the BRICS Incubator Network, the BRICS MSME Portal and the BRICS Start-Up Innovation Fund. These programs aim to connect start-ups and MSMEs with markets, finance and talent, thereby strengthening the entrepreneurial ecosystem across BRICS.

The Prime Minister observed that the growing scale, speed and optimism of BRICS are evident in its expansion. From four founding members in 2006, the grouping has grown into a family of 21 member and partner countries.

He concluded by reiterating that the economic strength of BRICS has grown nearly twice as fast as that of the rest of the world, underlining its rising influence in shaping the global economic order.

Agencies


PM Modi Accepts To Visit Moscow For 24th India-Russia Annual Summit After Prez Putin’s Invitation


Russian President Vladimir Putin has extended an invitation to Prime Minister Narendra Modi to visit Moscow for the 24th India-Russia Annual Summit.

The Ministry of External Affairs confirmed that Modi has accepted the invitation. The summit dates will be finalised through diplomatic channels at a mutually convenient time.

The two leaders met on the sidelines of the Brics Summit in New Delhi on Friday. They held wide-ranging discussions on the India-Russia Special and Privileged Strategic Partnership.

The talks covered trade, investment, defence, energy, critical minerals, fertiliser supplies, skill mobility and industrial cooperation.

The annual summit is the highest-level institutional mechanism between India and Russia. It is held alternately in the two countries. The invitation comes as both sides continue to deepen their long-standing strategic partnership across economic, defence and energy sectors.

The leaders also exchanged views on regional and global issues of mutual interest. They discussed ongoing conflicts and other international developments. Modi reiterated India’s position that dialogue and diplomacy remain the way forward in resolving disputes.

Both sides deliberated on strategies to reach the ambitious bilateral trade target of $100 billion by 2030. The current annual trade volume stands at around $65 billion.

This translates to approximately ₹5,41,000 crores. The target of $100 billion equals about ₹8,32,000 crores. Achieving this will require stronger market access, improved payment mechanisms and reduced trade barriers.

Defence cooperation was a major focus of the talks. Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov stated that both sides are exploring BrahMos missile upgrades. Moscow remains committed to fulfilling its remaining S-400 system deliveries. Discussions also included the proposed supply of Su-57 fighter jets to India.

In the energy sector, the two sides reviewed the overall scenario. They agreed to ramp up cooperation in civil nuclear energy. This is expected to strengthen India’s energy security and diversify its energy mix.

Industrial cooperation also featured prominently. Collaboration in the rail and tunnelling sectors, development of the steel value chain and broadening access to the Russian market for Indian exporters were discussed. Expanding industrial ties is seen as vital to balancing the trade deficit.

The talks also covered increasing the mobility of skilled Indian labourers to Russia. Cooperation in critical minerals was another area of focus. These discussions reflect the growing scope of the partnership beyond traditional defence and energy ties.

The invitation for the 24th Annual Summit underscores the resilience of the India-Russia relationship. Despite global geopolitical uncertainties, the partnership continues to expand across multiple domains. Modi’s forthcoming visit to Moscow will mark another milestone in this enduring strategic partnership.

Agencies