BDL Hands Over Indigenous Wire-Guided Heavyweight Torpedo To NSTL, Strengthening Indian Navy’s Underwater Warfare Capabilities

Torpedo Advanced Light Shyena 'Hawk', utilises SMART missile as long-range delivery platform

Bharat Dynamics Limited (BDL), a leading defence public sector undertaking under the Ministry of Defence, has marked a significant achievement in indigenous defence manufacturing with the delivery of a production-grade Wire Guided Heavy Weight Torpedo (WGHWT) to the Naval Science and Technological Laboratory (NSTL) at its Visakhapatnam unit.

The handover took place on Thursday and was formally announced in a statement released late on Friday night.

The event was attended by senior officials, including R V Hara Prasad, distinguished scientist and Director General (NS&M), A Madhavarao, Chairman and Managing Director of BDL, and Abraham Varughese. Teams from BDL, NSTL, and the Indian Navy were also present to witness the milestone. Their participation underscored the importance of this achievement in strengthening India’s naval capabilities.

As the Development-cum-Production Partner (DcPP), BDL worked closely with NSTL to successfully realise India’s first indigenous production-grade wire-guided heavy weight torpedo.

The system has been developed in both practice and combat configurations, and its formal handover represents a major step forward in advancing India’s self-reliance in sophisticated naval weapon systems under the Aatmanirbhar Bharat initiative.

The torpedo is equipped with advanced homing and propulsion systems, designed to deliver superior performance in underwater combat scenarios. It incorporates sophisticated search, attack, and re-attack capabilities, which substantially enhance the operational readiness of the Indian Navy. These features make the weapon system a critical addition to India’s maritime arsenal.

Officials highlighted that the achievement reflects strong collaboration between the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) and BDL, supported by a wide network of industrial partners, including MSMEs. The successful productionisation of such a complex underwater weapon system demonstrates India’s growing expertise in cutting-edge naval technologies and its ability to integrate contributions from diverse industrial stakeholders.

On the occasion, dignitaries commended the efforts of scientists, engineers, and production teams who played a vital role in the project. Their dedication and technical expertise were recognised as key factors in the successful delivery of the torpedo, which stands as a testament to India’s progress in indigenous defence innovation.

Agencies

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Indigenously Developed Silicon Photonics Technology Solutions Launched At IIT-Madras

India has achieved a major milestone in Silicon Photonics technology sovereignty with the launch of two indigenously developed solutions in Chennai. On 24 April 2026, the Silicon Photonics Process Design Kit (PDK) and the Universal Programmable Photonic Integrated Circuit (PPIC) Test Engine were introduced at the MeitY-sponsored Centre of Excellence for CPPICS at IIT-Madras, announced PIB.

These developments will serve as a shared national facility for the Indian photonics research and development community.

The Silicon Photonics PDK contains a library of more than 50 verified components. This provides essential design enablement for industries, start-ups, academic institutions, including classical and quantum regimes and defence R&D organisations, allowing them to develop advanced photonic integrated circuits within India, reducing reliance on foreign tools. The Universal PPIC Test Engine is a state-of-the-art automated characterisation platform designed for photonic and optoelectronic modules, supporting a wide range of applications.

This technology supports India's semiconductor self-reliance by offering shared national resources for photonic chip development in clean-room-like testing environments.

The next phase of technology development under the centre has also been announced. India’s Silicon Photonics capabilities are now aligned with global standards, and this achievement is expected to be complemented by the establishment of a Silicon Photonics fabrication facility under the India Semiconductor Mission. Such a facility would ensure end-to-end sovereignty in this critical technology domain.

The technology developed has applications across both classical and quantum regimes. With appropriate industry partnerships, it can be supported under the upcoming ISM 2.0 R&D vertical to drive further improvements and product development. After successful demonstrations of commercial capabilities, a Silicon Photonics fabrication facility with integrated packaging capabilities may be established.

Beginning in the third quarter of this financial year, the centre will enable Silicon Photonics multi-project wafer (MPW) fabrication runs. These will be accompanied by comprehensive testing, packaging, and module characterisation services. This initiative reflects strong institutional support for advancing India’s photonics ecosystem.

The CoE-CPPICS operates under a Product Research, Development and Manufacturing (PRDM) model, leveraging CMOS-compatible Silicon Photonics technology. It has partnered with SilTerra Malaysia as its foundry partner and Izmo Microsystems, Bangalore, as its photonic IC packaging partner. This collaborative framework ensures that India’s photonics ecosystem is positioned to deliver world-class solutions while fostering indigenous innovation.

PIB

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HAL Unveils G3INS Facility To Drive Indigenous High-Precision Avionics

Hindustan Aeronautics Limited has inaugurated its new G3INS testing facility, marking a significant step forward in India’s indigenous avionics development.

The G3INS system is a strap-down Inertial Navigation System equipped with a Ring Laser Gyro, designed to deliver high-precision navigation capabilities for aircraft.

By integrating with satellite-based augmentation systems such as GAGAN, alongside GPS and GLONASS, the facility ensures robust and reliable navigation performance across diverse operational theatres.

The inauguration of this facility highlights HAL’s commitment to strengthening India’s self-reliance in advanced avionics. The G3INS system is tailored to support future aircraft programmes, providing a critical backbone for next-generation platforms.

Its design enhances reliability in contested environments, where traditional navigation aids may be compromised, thereby offering a strategic advantage in modern combat scenarios.

Beyond its immediate technical benefits, the facility represents a boost to India’s indigenous capability in avionics, reducing dependence on foreign systems and suppliers. This aligns with the broader national vision of Aatmanirbhar Bharat, ensuring that critical defence technologies are developed and sustained within the country.

The testing infrastructure will also serve as a foundation for iterative improvements and integration into a wide range of aircraft, both military and civil.

The G3INS testing facility is expected to play a pivotal role in advancing India’s aerospace ecosystem. By supporting precision navigation and enhancing reliability under challenging conditions, it strengthens the operational effectiveness of future aircraft programmes.

HAL’s initiative underscores the importance of indigenous innovation in securing technological sovereignty and maintaining strategic advantage in aviation and defence.

Agencies

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India’s Technical Backing Recognised In Taiwan’s Hai Kun-Class Submarine Program

Taiwan has formally acknowledged India’s role in supporting its ambitious Hai Kun-class Indigenous Defence Submarine program. This marks a significant moment in regional defence cooperation, as New Delhi’s technical and industrial contributions have been publicly recognised by Taipei.

The Hai Kun-class represents Taiwan’s first attempt at building a domestically designed and manufactured submarine, a project that has drawn considerable international attention due to its strategic implications in the Indo-Pacific.

Citing a report from Global Taiwan published in Feb 2206, India has not yet provided direct assistance to Taiwan's submarine production program, but opportunities exist for informal collaboration due to shared challenges in hull fabrication, subsystems, and sustainment. The article proposes India could gain from Taiwan's lithium-ion battery expertise for AIP systems, while Taiwan benefits from India's experience refurbishing ageing diesel-electric submarines like Kilo- and Type-209 classes. Such cooperation could leverage existing commercial agreements (e.g., Bilateral Investment Agreement 2018) without formal defence pacts, given India's non-recognition of Taiwan.

However, as subtlety is paramount when dealing with the sensitivities surrounding China's Taiwan obsession, India’s involvement has been multifaceted, extending beyond the supply of specialised components to include structural elements and subsystem manufacturing. These contributions have been critical in enabling Taiwan to overcome industrial bottlenecks and ensure the integrity of its submarine construction process.

By providing advanced components tailored to the demanding requirements of undersea platforms, India has demonstrated both its growing industrial capacity and its willingness to support partners facing complex security challenges.

In addition to material support, India has offered advisory expertise through retired naval personnel with extensive experience in operating Kalvari-class and Kilo-class submarines. Their guidance has been instrumental in helping Taiwan’s engineers and naval planners adapt proven operational practices to the new indigenous design.

This transfer of knowledge has strengthened Taiwan’s ability to integrate advanced systems and refine its submarine doctrine, ensuring that the Hai Kun-class will be both technically sound and operationally effective.

The acknowledgement by Taiwan underscores the importance of India’s emerging role as a defence technology partner in Asia. It highlights New Delhi’s capacity not only to produce and export critical components but also to provide strategic advisory support rooted in decades of operational experience. 

This collaboration reflects a broader trend of India positioning itself as a reliable contributor to regional security and self-reliance in defence manufacturing.

The Hai Kun-class program is a cornerstone of Taiwan’s efforts to modernise its navy and enhance deterrence in the face of growing maritime challenges. India’s support has added credibility to the project, reinforcing the notion that indigenous defence initiatives can succeed with carefully cultivated partnerships.

For New Delhi, the cooperation also signals its expanding influence in the Indo-Pacific, where defence collaboration is increasingly seen as a counterbalance to regional power asymmetries.

By formally recognising India’s contributions, Taiwan has not only strengthened bilateral ties but also sent a message about the value of industrial and technical cooperation among like-minded partners. This development illustrates how shared expertise and mutual support can accelerate indigenous defence programmes, while simultaneously advancing strategic interests in a contested maritime environment.

Agencies

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China Uneasy As India Deepens Defence Partnership With South Korea

K-9 howitzers fire shells during a drill at Mahajan Field Firing Range, in Rajasthan

China is expected to view India’s latest defence deal with South Korea as highly sensitive, given the ongoing border dispute between Beijing and New Delhi in the Himalayas, reported China based media house SCMP.

Analysts argue that India’s move to expand defence industry cooperation with Seoul in artillery and anti-aircraft systems will be interpreted as a strategic development with direct implications for China’s security calculus.

During his three-day visit to India, South Korean President Lee Jae Myung met Prime Minister Narendra Modi and announced that both countries had agreed to upgrade economic and defence cooperation.

The focus will be on vital sectors such as shipbuilding, defence and artificial intelligence. Lee emphasised South Korea’s support for India’s Atmanirbhar Bharat policy, pledging to actively assist in the production and operation of Indian defence equipment and to explore joint technology development. He cited the K9 Thunder howitzer as a successful example of bilateral defence cooperation.

India currently operates around 100 K9 Vajra-T 155mm self-propelled howitzers, with plans to acquire 100 more. These systems, manufactured domestically by Larsen & Toubro through technology transfer from Hanwha Aerospace, are optimised for India’s desert and high-altitude environments.

The Indian Army has deployed them in Ladakh to strengthen long-range firepower amid tensions with China and Pakistan. Self-propelled howitzers are particularly effective in mountainous terrain, capable of firing at steep angles to clear ridges and strike targets in valleys, while also serving as an all-weather alternative to air support.

Periasamy Kumaran of India’s Ministry of External Affairs confirmed that Delhi is entering a “third phase” of cooperation with South Korea, moving beyond direct acquisitions and localisation towards advanced manufacturing, technology transfer and co-design of next-generation defence systems.

Talks are also under way on developing air-defence systems, including anti-aircraft guns and missile platforms, to counter emerging aerial threats such as drones.

Analysts highlight the strategic importance of these developments. Nishant Rajeev of Singapore’s S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies noted that howitzers and anti-aircraft guns are critical to India’s defences, particularly along disputed borders. He described the K9 joint production as a model of cooperation that could be expanded, stressing India’s need for layered air-defence systems against drones, cruise missiles and fighter aircraft. Drones featured prominently in India’s recent conflict with Pakistan, underscoring the urgency of such capabilities.

Kang Jun-young of Hankuk University of Foreign Studies argued that Beijing is highly likely to view India-South Korea defence cooperation critically, seeing Seoul as playing a role in US-led containment of China. He warned that technology transfer and local production could dramatically enhance India’s defence self-sufficiency, posing a strategic challenge to China’s interests.

Jagannath Panda of the Institute for Security and Development Policy in Sweden added that India’s cooperation with South Korea reflects a broader transition from arms imports to industrial partnerships. 

The success of the K9 Vajra-T demonstrated that South Korean systems can be adapted for Indian terrain and manufactured domestically, making Seoul a dependable technology partner.

India’s recent border clashes with both China and Pakistan highlight the relevance of artillery, air defence and mobile firepower. Panda stressed that these capabilities are not merely commercial but tied to India’s preparation for sustained competition with China while maintaining readiness against Pakistan.

He noted that South Korea’s defence industry is valued for speed, scale and modern engineering, qualities India needs in a deteriorating regional environment. Ian Hall of Griffith University in Australia agreed that South Korea is a strong partner for India, with the potential to significantly enhance India’s deterrence capabilities against threats from the north and west.

India’s pursuit of faster modernisation cycles, joint development and advanced manufacturing with South Korea is therefore not only about strengthening its military but also about signalling strategic intent.

For Beijing, the prospect of South Korean defence technology bolstering India’s capabilities along contested borders is bound to be viewed as a direct challenge.

SCMP

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Iran Taunts Trump With ‘Cultural Detox’ After India ‘Hellhole’ Slur; Says 'Visit India Sometime And Then Speak'

Iran has ridiculed US President Donald Trump after he amplified a social media post that described India and China as “hellholes” while demanding changes to America’s birth right citizenship laws, NDTV reported.

The Iranian Consulate General in Mumbai responded by sharing a video showcasing Maharashtra’s cultural and geographical richness, suggesting that a visit could serve as a “cultural detox” for the American leader.

Maybe someone should book a one-way cultural detox for Mr. #Trump, it might just reduce the random bakwaas 😏

Kabhi #India aa ke dekho, phir bolna. pic.twitter.com/kkocLZ31XX

— Iran in Mumbai (@IRANinMumbai) April 23, 2026

In its post on X, the consulate remarked that “maybe someone should book a one-way cultural detox for Mr Trump, it might just reduce the random Bakwaas,” adding, “Kabhi India aa ke dekho, phir bolna.”

The controversy began when Trump reposted a podcast by conservative commentator Michael Savage, who launched a racist tirade against India, China and other nations. Savage alleged that immigrants from these countries exploit US birth right citizenship laws by arriving late in pregnancy to “drop a baby in the ninth month,” thereby producing “instant” American citizens.

He went further, describing Indian and Chinese immigrants as “gangsters with laptops” who had “stepped on our flag.” Trump’s decision to share both the transcript and video of these remarks was widely interpreted as an endorsement of Savage’s derogatory views.

India reacted sharply, condemning the remarks as “uninformed, inappropriate and in poor taste.” Without directly naming Trump, the Ministry of External Affairs stressed that such comments did not reflect the reality of the India–US relationship, which has long been built on mutual respect and shared interests.

MEA spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal emphasised that the remarks were not representative of the bilateral ties and noted that the US Embassy had issued a statement in response.

In an effort to contain the fallout, the US Embassy in New Delhi later clarified Trump’s position. Christopher Elms, its spokesperson, relayed that Trump considers India a “great” country and spoke warmly of his personal bond with Prime Minister Narendra Modi, describing him as a “good friend of mine at the top.”

This attempt at reassurance was seen as a damage-control measure following the backlash in India and among the Indian diaspora.

NDTV

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Skyroot Aerospace Completes Phase-3 Electrical Tests of Vikram-1 Rocket, Edging Closer To Launch

Hyderabad-based Skyroot Aerospace has achieved a significant milestone with the successful completion of the Integrated Electrical Test Campaign, marking Phase 3 of the pre-launch testing sequence for its Vikram-1 rocket.

This campaign is a critical step in validating the electrical systems of the launch vehicle, ensuring that all subsystems function seamlessly together under simulated launch conditions. It represents one of the final hurdles before the rocket moves closer to its maiden flight.

The Integrated Electrical Test Campaign is designed to rigorously assess the rocket’s avionics, wiring, and system integration. By simulating the stresses and operational demands of an actual launch, engineers can confirm that the rocket’s electrical architecture is robust and reliable.

This phase follows earlier mechanical and subsystem tests, building confidence in the overall readiness of Vikram-1 for space missions.

Skyroot Aerospace has been steadily advancing through its pre-launch roadmap, with each phase of testing bringing the Vikram-1 closer to operational deployment. The rocket is intended to serve as a versatile small satellite launch vehicle, catering to the growing demand for cost-effective access to space. Its modular design and indigenous development highlight India’s expanding private space sector capabilities.

The successful completion of Phase 3 underscores Skyroot’s commitment to precision engineering and systematic validation. It also demonstrates the maturity of India’s private aerospace ecosystem, which is increasingly complementing the efforts of ISRO in expanding the nation’s space footprint.

With this milestone, Skyroot Aerospace is now poised to progress towards final integration and launch readiness activities, marking a new chapter in India’s commercial spaceflight journey.

IDN (With Agency Inputs)

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Red Balloon Aerospace Set To Launch First Stratospheric Super Pressure Balloon For Strategic Monitoring

Hyderabad-based Red Balloon Aerospace has announced plans to launch a super pressure balloon that will provide telecommunications coverage across underserved and rural regions. The company confirmed that the launch is scheduled for the second quarter of this year.

Super pressure balloons are high-altitude platforms designed to maintain internal pressure greater than the surrounding atmosphere. This engineering feature allows them to carry payloads for extended durations, typically around 100 days, without losing stability.

The Red Balloon Aerospace system will carry a high-resolution imaging payload capable of delivering between 25 and 75 centimetre resolution. Alongside this, the balloon will host a broader suite of sensor capabilities, making it a versatile platform for multiple applications.

The balloon will be deployed in the stratosphere, at altitudes ranging between 20 and 40 kilometres above the Earth’s surface. This positioning enables wide-area telecommunications coverage, monitoring of large-scale industrial networks that span hundreds of kilometres, and support for disaster-management operations across entire states. It also allows continuous spatial observation for strategic applications.

In a statement, Sireesh Pallikonda, co-founder and Chief Operating Officer of Red Balloon Aerospace, described the initiative as “building towers in the sky that bring connectivity to every village, tribal belt and coastline where a traditional tower cannot reach.” His remarks highlight the company’s ambition to bridge connectivity gaps in regions where conventional infrastructure is difficult or impossible to establish.

By combining telecommunications coverage with imaging and monitoring capabilities, the super pressure balloon represents a significant step towards cost-effective, flexible, and persistent connectivity solutions. Its ability to remain airborne for extended periods makes it particularly valuable for both civilian and strategic uses.

PTI

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Japan’s Arms Export Shift Opens New Pathways For India But Barriers Endure

India had showed interest in procuring Japanese ShinMaywa US-2 amphibious patrol aircraft

As detailed in a report by Bharat Shakti, India has welcomed Japan’s decision to ease long-standing restrictions on defence exports, viewing it as a potential opening for deeper military-industrial cooperation amid the shifting strategic dynamics of the Indo-Pacific.

Ministry of External Affairs Spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal described the move as an opportunity to expand practical cooperation under the bilateral Special Strategic and Global Partnership, stressing that defence and security ties remain a central pillar of the relationship.

He noted that both governments and private stakeholders are committed to advancing technology and industrial collaboration.

The recalibration announced by Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi represents a significant departure from Japan’s post-war pacifist framework, which had tightly limited arms exports for decades.

Tokyo will now allow the transfer of a wider range of defence equipment, including lethal systems, to select partner countries with established security arrangements. This shift reflects Japan’s response to a deteriorating regional security environment.

For India, the timing is particularly relevant. Both New Delhi and Tokyo are grappling with the challenges posed by an assertive China across the Indo-Pacific.

Their cooperation extends across bilateral engagements and multilateral platforms such as the Quad, where maritime security and the defence of a rules-based order remain central themes.

Defence ties between India and Japan have steadily expanded over the past decade, supported by agreements on logistics support, information security, and equipment transfer. Regular exercises such as JIMEX and Dharma Guardian have enhanced interoperability between the two militaries, especially in maritime and air domains.

Tokyo has also demonstrated willingness to offer advanced platforms, including the Mogami-class stealth frigates, signalling a gradual shift towards more substantive engagement.

Japan’s evolving export posture is already evident in its recent transfer of air surveillance radar systems to the Philippines and a major naval deal involving Mitsubishi Heavy Industries and Australia. These examples highlight Tokyo’s growing readiness to operationalise its defence industry capabilities overseas.

Despite political convergence, however, India–Japan defence industrial cooperation has struggled to deliver concrete outcomes. High-profile projects have faltered. Negotiations over the US-2 amphibious aircraft in 2018, once seen as a flagship collaboration, stalled due to disagreements over cost, technology transfer, and production arrangements. Similarly, Japan’s limited response to India’s submarine programme queries revealed gaps in alignment on complex, high-end platforms.

Even with institutional mechanisms in place, such as the Joint Working Group on Defence Equipment and Technology Cooperation and the India–Japan Defence Industry Forum, progress has been modest. 

The joint research initiative between Japan’s ATLA and India’s DRDO on unmanned ground vehicles remains at a developmental stage, while the co-development of the Unified Complex Radio Antenna-UNICORN sensor mast is only beginning to show promise.

Structural constraints continue to weigh heavily on the partnership. India’s emphasis on indigenisation, local manufacturing, and technology absorption under initiatives like Make in India often clashes with Japan’s cautious approach to intellectual property protection and export controls. Japanese firms, long accustomed to a protected domestic market, remain hesitant about large-scale overseas commitments involving deep technology sharing.

Cost competitiveness is another challenge. Japanese defence systems, developed without the benefit of large export volumes, often struggle to meet the pricing expectations of India’s procurement ecosystem.

Nevertheless, Japan’s policy shift opens a fresh window of opportunity. As warfare evolves with increasing reliance on drones, artificial intelligence, and autonomous systems, both countries share overlapping priorities in emerging technologies. The challenge will be to move beyond declaratory intent and address the regulatory, commercial, and industrial gaps that have so far limited progress.

For India, Japan’s recalibrated defence posture offers both an opportunity and a test: whether the partnership can finally deliver tangible outcomes, or remain strategically aligned but industrially under-realised.

Agencies

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India Extends ₹3,000 Crore Currency Swap To Maldives To Shore Up Its Forex Reserves, Reinforcing Regional Financial Partnership

India has approved a ₹3,000 crore currency swap withdrawal for the Maldives on Thursday, 23 April 2026, aimed at strengthening the island nation’s foreign exchange reserves and ensuring economic stability.

The Indian High Commission in Male confirmed that the disbursement falls under the SAARC Currency Swap Framework, a regional mechanism designed to provide short-term liquidity support.

This latest financial injection builds on an agreement signed between the Reserve Bank of India and the Maldives Monetary Authority during President Mohamed Muizzu’s state visit to New Delhi in October 2024.

The facility is intended to help manage balance of payments pressures while reducing reliance on costly external commercial borrowing. The timing of the withdrawal coincides with the maturity of a previous $400 million facility, also drawn under the SAARC framework in late 2024, which reached its scheduled settlement date on Thursday.

According to the Indian High Commission, since the inception of the SAARC Swap Framework in 2012, the Reserve Bank of India has extended an aggregate swap support of $1.1 billion to the Maldives.

The mission highlighted that such mechanisms are vital for maintaining macroeconomic health. India has also previously rolled over $100 million in Treasury Bills to provide emergency support at the request of Maldivian authorities.

The High Commission underscored that the Maldives remains a key partner under India’s ‘Neighbourhood First’ policy and Vision MAHASAGAR, reiterating India’s role as the ‘first responder’ for the island nation.

The Maldivian government welcomed the transaction, describing it as evidence of fiscal responsibility. Officials emphasised that the settlement of the earlier $400 million facility demonstrates their commitment to honouring international financial obligations.

“The successful settlement of the $400 million facility underscores the government’s resolve to honour its financial commitments,” the Maldives Foreign Ministry stated. Regional observers noted that this cooperation reinforces India’s position as a primary financial partner in South Asia. The transaction is expected to provide stability to the Maldivian economy amid ongoing global market uncertainties.

Agencies

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Indian Navy Declares Hormuz A Primary Maritime Interest Amid Global Energy Strains

The Indian Navy has formally identified the Strait of Hormuz as a “primary area” of interest in its newly released maritime security strategy, unveiled by Navy chief Admiral D K Tripathi, reported TOI.

This comes amid the ongoing blockade of the strait and the sharp rise in crude oil prices. Hormuz, along with other maritime choke points in the Indian Ocean Region, has been highlighted as a critical node exerting disproportionate influence over global trade and energy security.

The choke points listed include the Cape of Good Hope, Mozambique Channel, Bab‑el‑Mandeb, Suez Canal, Strait of Hormuz, Malacca and Singapore Straits, Sunda Strait, Lombok Strait, Ombai Strait and Wetar Strait.

The Malacca and Singapore Straits are particularly vital, linking the Indian Ocean to the South China Sea and Pacific Ocean, and providing the shortest sea route from the Persian Gulf to East Asia and the West Pacific.

The Sunda Strait, though an alternative to Malacca and Singapore, is less preferred by large ships due to navigational hazards, depth restrictions and strong currents. The Ombai Strait lies between Alor and Timor, while the Wetar Strait lies between Timor and Wetar.

Routing through these straits as alternatives to Malacca and Singapore is generally avoided due to distance and operational challenges.

India’s expanding economic and strategic engagements across oceans are expected to face increasing external influences in the coming years.

Consequently, the Navy has designated the entire maritime domain beyond the primary area of interest as a “secondary” area of maritime interest. This reflects the need for operations across a wider geographical canvas to safeguard national interests.

The primary areas of maritime interest listed by the Navy include India’s coastal areas and maritime zones; the Arabian Sea, Bay of Bengal, Andaman Sea and Laccadives Sea; the Persian Gulf region and its littoral; the Gulf of Oman, Gulf of Aden and Red Sea; the south‑west Indian Ocean including island nations and the east coast of Africa; and the choke points leading to, from and across the Indian Ocean such as the six‑degree channel, 8/9‑degree channels, and the Straits of Hormuz, Bab‑el‑Mandeb, Malacca, Singapore, Sunda, Lombok and Ombai‑Wetar.

The Mozambique Channel and Cape of Good Hope, along with their littoral regions, are also included. Other areas encompassing sea lines of communication, international sea lanes and vital energy and resource interests are part of this framework.

Beyond energy, the maritime domain is also the primary conduit for imports critical to India’s food security, public health and industrial capacity. In 2025, India met 73% of its fertiliser requirements through domestic production.

However, as the world’s second‑largest fertiliser consumer, it remained import‑dependent for muriate of potash and significantly reliant on overseas sources for diammonium phosphate.

Additionally, India imports approximately 16 million tonnes of edible oil annually by sea. Maritime leverage, infrastructure and sea‑based activities are therefore central to India’s economic growth and prosperity.

TOI

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US Envoys Witkoff And Kushner To Lead 2nd Round of Talks As Vance, Ghalibaf Stay Away

After days of stalemate, the United States has confirmed that Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner will travel to Pakistan on Saturday for a fresh round of talks with Iran.

The announcement was made by White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt, who told Fox News that the two would engage directly with representatives from the Iranian delegation.

She emphasised that the Iranians themselves had reached out, responding to President Donald Trump’s call for dialogue, and requested this in-person meeting.

Leavitt explained that while Witkoff and Kushner would be the first to head to Islamabad, others remained on standby to fly out if necessary. Their immediate task would be to assess the situation and report back to President Trump and Vice President JD Vance.

Witkoff, the US Special Envoy to the Middle East, and Kushner, Trump’s son-in-law, had already played central roles in the first round of talks held in Pakistan on 11 and 12 April.

Notably absent from this second round will be Vice President JD Vance and Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, who led the Iranian negotiating team during the earlier discussions.

Their absence marks a shift in the composition of the delegations, even as momentum builds for renewed engagement.

The development coincides with Iran’s Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi announcing a “timely tour” to Pakistan, Oman, and Russia. He described the purpose of his visits as coordinating with partners on bilateral matters and consulting on regional developments, stressing that neighbours remained Iran’s priority. His statement was shared publicly on X.

The talks are taking place against the backdrop of hardened positions. Iran had previously declared that it would not participate in negotiations until the United States lifted its blockade in the Strait of Hormuz.

Washington, for its part, demanded verifiable assurances that Tehran would end its nuclear programme and remove its own blockade of the strait. These conditions remain central to the diplomatic impasse.

At a Pentagon briefing on Friday, US Secretary of Defence Pete Hegseth reiterated Trump’s stance that the United States was not in a hurry to secure a deal. He said the president had made clear that America “had all the time in the world and we are not anxious for a deal”.

Hegseth added that Iran now had the opportunity to make what he described as a “good deal, a wise deal”.

Agencies

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Economic Strangulation And Strategic Uncertainty Define Trump’s War With Iran

Fifty-five days after the first American strikes on Iran, the guns have fallen silent for now, but the war remains unresolved. Weeks of bombing gave way to a two-week ceasefire intended to create space for negotiations.

Washington’s demands are clear: Iran must transfer its enriched uranium and yellow cake stockpiles abroad, dismantle its missile capabilities, and reopen the Strait of Hormuz. These are presented as non-negotiable conditions, the minimum price of peace.

As talks began, President Trump ordered a blockade of Iranian ports, a move that blurred the distinction between pause and escalation. When the ceasefire’s original deadline of 22 April arrived, instead of a deal there was an extension. Trump projected confidence, declaring that an agreement would come, though not in haste.

Tehran, however, rejected this narrative. Iranian officials dismissed the American approach as arrogant and misguided, insisting they would not surrender their right to enrich uranium for civilian purposes, dismantle their deterrent missiles, or accept terms dictated by what they regard as the aggressor.

From their perspective, America is not a victor imposing conditions but a frustrated superpower that failed to break them. The Strait remains closed, the standoff intact.

The bombs have not ceased entirely, but the primary battlefield has shifted to economic warfare. The United States has blockaded Iranian ports, strangled energy exports, and tightened financial pressure in ways airstrikes alone could not achieve.

Iran has responded with mines in the water and missile launches that unsettled Gulf nations, raising doubts about Washington’s ability to protect them. This is the shape of modern conflict: not always shock and awe, but frozen assets, diverted tankers, and the grinding isolation of economic suffocation.

Trump’s own messaging has added to the uncertainty. His statements oscillate between threats and reassurances, sometimes promising devastating strikes, at other times hinting that a deal is near. Markets have swung in response, and critics argue this volatility is being exploited.

Whether deliberate strategy, instinctive deal-making, or improvised policy, uncertainty itself has become a weapon.

The Iran war is part of a broader pattern. Similar tactics were used in Venezuela, where economic pressure forced political realignment. Trump has reshaped US foreign policy into what some call the “Donroe Doctrine,” updated for energy geopolitics.

Military pressure, sanctions, tariffs, aid cuts, and selective rewards are deployed to influence Latin America. Iran controls the Strait of Hormuz, Venezuela holds vast oil reserves, and the logic connecting these campaigns is evident.

Meanwhile, institutions meant to manage such conflicts are faltering. The United Nations has been sidelined, paralysed by veto politics and decades of stalled reform. This erosion of authority was visible earlier in the slow annexation of Palestinian territories and proposals to redevelop Gaza as real estate, treating trauma as property.

Domestically, the Pentagon faces turmoil. Over thirty senior officers have been removed under Defence Secretary Hegseth, including the Army chief of staff, the chief of naval operations, and the Air Force’s vice chief.

At the same time, the Pentagon is tasked with fighting Iran, enforcing a blockade, deterring China, and overhauling shipbuilding, all while its leadership is being purged. Trump’s vision of a “Golden Fleet” of battleships costing up to $26 billion each has drawn scepticism. Experts question the feasibility, cost, and strategic logic.

Iran’s resilience is perhaps the most underreported aspect of the conflict. Gulf states have watched uneasily as Iranian missiles struck American bases on their soil, delivering a blunt message: US air power cannot guarantee their safety.

That reality will shape Gulf diplomacy long after any ceasefire. Iran’s missile arsenal, fast boats, and mining capabilities remain intact. Bombing around the Strait has not reopened it. For now, ships remain anchored, the Strait stays closed, and the world waits to see which version of Trump emerges next.

UNI

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U.S. Targets Chinese Refinery And Tanker Fleet In Escalation of Iran Oil Sanctions Ahead of Trump–Xi Talks

The Trump administration has announced sweeping economic sanctions against a major Chinese oil refinery and around 40 shipping companies and tankers accused of transporting Iranian oil.

The decision, revealed on Friday and first reported by the Associated Press, follows through on Washington’s threat to impose secondary sanctions on entities that continue to do business with Iran. It forms part of the administration’s broader campaign to choke off Tehran’s primary source of revenue, its oil exports.

Alongside these measures, the United States has physically blockaded the Strait of Hormuz, a vital Persian Gulf waterway central to global energy supplies. The timing of the sanctions is notable, coming only weeks before President Donald Trump is scheduled to meet Chinese President Xi Jinping in China.

Among those targeted is Hengli Petrochemical’s refinery in Dalian, which has a processing capacity of about 400,000 barrels of crude oil per day, making it one of China’s largest independent refineries. 

According to the Treasury Department, Hengli has been receiving Iranian crude shipments since 2023, generating hundreds of millions of dollars in revenue for Iran’s military. The advocacy group United Against Nuclear Iran had already identified Hengli in February 2025 as one of dozens of Chinese buyers of Iranian oil.

Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent stressed that his department will continue to dismantle the network of vessels, intermediaries and buyers that Iran relies upon to move its oil globally.

Earlier this month, his office issued letters to financial institutions in China, Hong Kong, the UAE and Oman, warning of secondary sanctions for facilitating Iranian transactions and accusing them of enabling illicit financial flows.

Bessent reiterated during a White House briefing on 15 April that countries purchasing Iranian oil or holding Iranian funds in their banks would now face secondary sanctions, describing the measure as particularly severe.

The sanctions coincide with a period of turmoil in the global energy trade, as conflict in the Persian Gulf disrupts oil and gas shipments and drives prices sharply higher.

In an effort to ease the impact of soaring prices, the Treasury has issued temporary waivers on Russian oil and a one-off waiver for Iranian oil already at sea. The Associated Press reported that it was seeking comment from Chinese officials on the latest sanctions.

Following earlier U.S. action against a Chinese refinery, Liu Pengyu, spokesperson for China’s embassy in Washington, criticised the sanctions as undermining international trade rules, disrupting normal exchanges, and infringing upon the rights of Chinese companies and individuals.

AP

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C-RAM: America’s Rapid-Fire Defence System Shields Baghdad Embassy From Drones And Rockets

The Counter-Rocket, Artillery and Mortar system, better known as C-RAM, is a land-based defensive platform designed to intercept short-range aerial threats such as rockets, artillery shells, and drones.

It was originally adapted from the US Navy’s Phalanx Close-In Weapon System during the Iraq War, when American forces faced frequent insurgent-style attacks on their bases.

The system integrates radar detection, automated fire control, and a high-speed rotary cannon to provide rapid protection against incoming projectiles.

Once a threat is detected, C-RAM calculates its trajectory in real time and determines whether it poses danger. If confirmed, it unleashes controlled bursts to destroy the projectile before it can strike.

The system’s speed is its defining advantage. It can respond within seconds of detecting a launch, making it highly effective against surprise attacks. Working alongside radar systems such as the AN/TPQ-36 Firefinder, C-RAM identifies threats almost instantly.

A command network predicts the impact point and activates interception if required. Eyewitness footage from Baghdad showed the system neutralising multiple targets mid-air, with sparks and debris marking successful interceptions.

C-RAM’s specifications highlight its power. It employs a 20mm M61A1 Gatling gun capable of firing up to 4,500 rounds per minute. Its effective interception range is around one to two kilometres, and its reaction time is measured in mere seconds.

The system uses self-destructing ammunition to reduce risks on the ground, creating a dense wall of fire that shreds incoming rockets or drones before they reach their target.

For US embassies and bases in volatile regions, C-RAM acts as a last line of defence. In Baghdad, where short-range attacks can occur with little warning, such systems are indispensable.

Earlier deployments in Iraq and Afghanistan even linked C-RAM to sirens that alerted personnel of incoming fire, giving them crucial seconds to take cover. This dual function of interception and warning underscores its importance in protecting lives and infrastructure.

Despite its effectiveness, C-RAM has limitations. It cannot intercept long-range ballistic missiles, and its short range confines it to close-in defence. Large-scale swarm attacks could potentially overwhelm the system. Moreover, while self-destructing rounds reduce risks, falling debris from intercepted rockets can still pose hazards, particularly in densely populated urban areas.

The growing reliance on systems like C-RAM reflects the changing nature of modern warfare. Drones and short-range projectiles are cheaper, faster to deploy, and harder to detect early.

This shift has made immediate, automated protection essential. Unlike missile-based defence systems, C-RAM relies on rapid-fire ammunition, making it faster and more effective in close-range scenarios. 

The events over Baghdad underline how such technologies are no longer optional but critical in conflict zones.

The latest attack on the US embassy in Baghdad unfolded against the backdrop of the escalating Iran–Israel war, which has spread across the region. Israeli strikes have reached deep into Tehran, while Iran has retaliated with drone and missile attacks across multiple locations.

US-linked assets have increasingly been targeted, and the conflict has disrupted oil infrastructure, raising concerns about security near global routes such as the Strait of Hormuz. Despite mounting international pressure, Tehran has refused to agree to a ceasefire, prolonging the crisis.

SGL

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