Sunday, May 31, 2026

Dassault Falcon 10X Competes For India’s ₹10,000 Crore ISTAR Program


Dassault Aviation has pitched its Falcon 10X ultra-long-range business jet for India’s ₹10,000 Crores ISTAR program, competing against Bombardier and Boeing, with the aim of equipping the Indian Air Force with three advanced aircraft carrying indigenous DRDO-developed sensors.

The program is seen as a decisive step in strengthening India’s battlefield awareness and precision strike capabilities.

India’s ISTAR program has entered a critical procurement phase after the Defence Acquisition Council cleared the acquisition of three specialised aircraft last year. Valued at nearly ₹10,000 crore, the initiative is one of the most significant upgrades to the Indian Air Force’s surveillance and reconnaissance capabilities.

The ISTAR fleet is designed to provide clear air-to-ground intelligence, track mobile ground targets, and enable precision strikes against high-value assets such as enemy radar stations and air defence units. This capability is central to India’s vision of network-centric warfare, where real-time intelligence drives operational effectiveness.

Dassault Aviation has offered the Falcon 10X as the platform for this mission. The aircraft’s ultra-long-range endurance, large cabin, and advanced avionics make it suitable for hosting heavy surveillance, electronic warfare, and mission systems.

The Falcon 10X is among the newest-generation business jets, designed for intercontinental missions with high-altitude performance and fuel efficiency. Its spacious cabin allows integration of advanced synthetic aperture radar, electronic intelligence suites, and secure communication systems, all of which are vital for ISTAR operations.

The program is firmly aligned with the Make in India initiative. While the base aircraft will be sourced from global manufacturers, the mission systems and sensors will be entirely developed by the Defence Research and Development Organisation’s Centre for Airborne Systems (CABS). CABS, which earlier developed the Netra AEW&C aircraft, is now tasked with delivering a sophisticated indigenous sensor suite for ISTAR.

Unlike AWACS platforms that focus on airborne threats, ISTAR aircraft will serve as airborne command centres dedicated to ground and maritime intelligence gathering. They will be capable of monitoring troop movements, missile deployments, and battlefield activity deep inside hostile territory without crossing national borders.

Competition for the ISTAR fleet remains intense. Bombardier’s Global 6500 has been considered a strong contender, especially after Gulfstream discontinued the G550, which raised concerns about long-term sustainment.

The Global 6500 offers improved endurance and lifecycle support, making it attractive for a program expected to remain operational for decades. Boeing has also been evaluated, though Dassault’s Falcon 10X entry introduces fresh momentum into the selection process. The Defence Ministry and DRDO are carefully weighing these options before finalising the vendor.

The ISTAR aircraft will be equipped with advanced synthetic aperture radar capable of generating high-resolution ground imagery from distances of up to 200 kilometres. Combined with electronic intelligence sensors, the system will provide the IAF with unparalleled situational awareness.

These aircraft will act as high-altitude nerve centres, coordinating precision strikes, suppressing enemy air defences, and supporting joint operations across land and sea.

Dassault’s offer also benefits from its industrial footprint in India. Through the Dassault-Reliance joint venture in Nagpur, the company has already been producing Falcon business jet components and plans to assemble complete aircraft in India by 2025. This strengthens the case for Falcon 10X, as local assembly and support could reduce costs and enhance long-term sustainment.

The ISTAR program is expected to transform India’s intelligence and strike capabilities. By combining indigenous mission systems with advanced global platforms, the IAF will gain a force multiplier that enhances deterrence and operational flexibility. The final vendor selection will determine whether Dassault’s Falcon 10X, Bombardier’s Global 6500, or another contender becomes the backbone of India’s strategic surveillance fleet.

IDN (With Agency Inputs)


Indonesia Nears BrahMos Missile Deal As India Expands ASEAN Defence Partnerships


Indonesia is now on the verge of finalising a significant defence agreement with India for the acquisition of BrahMos supersonic cruise missiles.

Defence Secretary Rajesh Kumar Singh confirmed that negotiations are in the final stages, with the planned supply expected to include coastal defence batteries similar to those exported to the Philippines. Delivery timelines are anticipated to follow soon after the contract is signed, marking another milestone in India’s expanding defence export portfolio.

The deals with both Vietnam and Indonesia are closely aligned with India’s Act East policy, which seeks to deepen strategic and economic ties with ASEAN nations. They also reinforce India’s growing role as a trusted defence partner in Southeast Asia.

By supplying BrahMos systems, India is not only strengthening bilateral relations but also positioning itself as a reliable source of advanced military technology in the region.

Country Deal Status Value Key Features/Strategic Notes
Philippines First foreign customer; contract signed Jan 2022, first battery delivered Apr 2024 2,700 Crore/$375 million Shore-based anti-ship missile batteries; operational since 2024
Vietnam Deal signed at Shangri-La Dialogue 2026 5,800 Crore/$629 million Includes coastal batteries, missiles, training, logistics; aligns with Act East Policy; addresses South China Sea security concerns
Indonesia Negotiations in final stages, expected delivery within 36 months of signing Undisclosed Coastal defence batteries similar to Philippines; includes technology transfer and joint R&D; part of Act East Policy

Strategically, these moves reflect a dual-track approach. On one hand, India is enhancing its own conventional strike capacity through indigenous systems such as Agni ballistic missiles and the Pralay tactical missile.

On the other, it is arming regional partners with BrahMos to create a networked deterrence arc that complicates China’s power projection in the Indo-Pacific. This export diplomacy, combined with India’s own force modernisation, underscores a deliberate effort to build collective security architecture across Southeast Asia.

One possible scenario is the expansion of Combined Maritime Forces (CMF) capabilities, where India integrates its indigenous missile systems with export-driven partnerships to establish a layered deterrence framework.

This would allow ASEAN partners to implement effective anti-access/area denial strategies, thereby strengthening maritime security in contested waters such as the South China Sea. Vietnam’s acquisition of BrahMos, coupled with Indonesia’s expected deal, would significantly bolster regional coastal defence networks.

Alternatively, the rapid deployment of advanced missile systems in Southeast Asia could trigger an accelerated arms race. China may respond by expanding its own missile deployments and naval presence, raising the risk of heightened tensions and potential escalation.

India would then face the challenge of balancing deterrence with escalation management, ensuring that its defence diplomacy does not inadvertently destabilise the region.

The BrahMos missile, jointly developed with Russia, remains one of the fastest and most versatile supersonic cruise missiles in service, capable of striking targets at speeds of Mach 2.8 with precision.

Its export success to the Philippines, Vietnam, and soon Indonesia highlights India’s emergence as a credible defence exporter. These deals also demonstrate the effectiveness of India’s “Make in India” initiative, which has transformed indigenous defence manufacturing into a tool of strategic influence.

India’s growing footprint in Southeast Asia through missile exports is not merely transactional. It represents a broader geopolitical shift where New Delhi is actively shaping the regional security environment. By arming ASEAN partners, India is contributing to a collective deterrence posture that counters unilateral aggression while reinforcing its own strategic depth in the Indo-Pacific.

IDN (With Agency Inputs)


India Approves Tri-Service Conventional Missile Force To Strengthen Deterrence Against Pak-China Nexus


India has cleared the creation of a new tri-service missile force, marking a significant step in its military modernisation. The Conventional Missile Force, or CMF, will integrate the capabilities of the Army, Navy, and Air Force under a single command structure.

This unified force will be tasked with operating ballistic, quasi-ballistic, and hypersonic missile systems, thereby enhancing India’s conventional strike capabilities.

The Chiefs of Staff Committee has already approved the plan, which has also received backing from the National Security Advisor. The proposal now awaits final clearance from the government. Once established, the CMF will represent a major organisational shift in India’s defence posture, ensuring that missile assets across the services are coordinated under a centralised command for maximum effectiveness.

The CMF is designed to mirror similar structures in neighbouring countries. China’s People’s Liberation Army Rocket Force has long been a central pillar of its military strategy, while Pakistan has established its own Army Rocket Force Command. India’s move to create a comparable force signals its intent to strengthen deterrence and conventional strike options alongside its nuclear arsenal.

This development is particularly relevant given the evolving security environment in Asia, where missile forces are increasingly seen as critical tools of power projection and deterrence.

The integration of ballistic and hypersonic systems under one command will allow India to deploy a wide spectrum of missile capabilities. Ballistic missiles provide long-range precision strike options, while quasi-ballistic systems offer manoeuvrability to evade defences.

Hypersonic missiles, still under development, promise unprecedented speed and penetration capabilities. Together, these systems will give India a layered and flexible strike capability, enhancing its ability to respond to regional threats.

The creation of the CMF also reflects India’s broader strategy of modernising its armed forces and reducing reliance on fragmented service-specific structures. By uniting missile assets under one umbrella, India aims to improve efficiency, reduce duplication, and ensure rapid decision-making in times of crisis.

This move is expected to significantly boost India’s conventional deterrence posture, particularly in the context of its strategic competition with China.

India’s decision to establish the CMF underscores its recognition of the changing nature of warfare, where precision long-range strike capabilities are increasingly decisive. It also highlights New Delhi’s determination to keep pace with regional adversaries and to project credible deterrence across multiple domains.

The CMF, once operational, will stand as a cornerstone of India’s evolving military doctrine, complementing its nuclear capabilities while providing robust conventional options.

IDN (With Agency Inputs)


Azista BST Aerospace Launches Asia’s First Private Satellite Factory In Ahmedabad, Pioneering Mass Production For Civilian And Defence Applications


Azista BST Aerospace has established Asia’s first private satellite mass-manufacturing facility in Ahmedabad, Gujarat, with the capacity to produce between 50 and 250 satellites annually.

Its maiden satellite, ABA First Runner, launched aboard a SpaceX Falcon 9 in June 2023, marked a breakthrough in India’s private space sector by delivering advanced surveillance capabilities for both civilian and defence applications.

The Indo-German joint venture, headquartered in Hyderabad, operates a 30,000–50,000 square-foot facility at the Khoraj Industrial Estate (Sanand). This site is designed for high-speed production of small satellites in the 50–200 kg class, supported by its vertically integrated ABLean manufacturing platform. 

The platform enables the company to manufacture nearly 80% of subsystems in-house, ensuring cost efficiency, rapid integration, and scalability. The facility is capable of producing up to two satellites per week, making it the largest private satellite manufacturing hub in Asia.

The company’s maiden satellite, ABA First Runner (AFR), was launched on 13 June 2023 aboard a SpaceX Falcon 9 Transporter-8 mission. AFR is an 80 kg modular bus satellite equipped with a wide-swath optical remote sensing payload. It carries both panchromatic and multispectral imaging capabilities, enabling medium-resolution Earth observation.

This payload supports diverse applications, including agriculture monitoring, urban planning, disaster management, and defence reconnaissance. AFR represents the first satellite of its size and performance built by India’s private sector, setting a precedent for future commercial and strategic missions.

Azista BST Aerospace benefits from the combined expertise of Berlin Space Technologies GmbH and Azista Industries Pvt. Ltd., leveraging German heritage in satellite design with Indian innovation and manufacturing prowess.

The company’s team has participated in over 75 satellite missions, giving it strong technological credibility. Its modular satellite buses are designed to support versatile payloads, with plans to scale production for mega-constellations in the coming years.

The firm has already announced intentions to roll out 10 satellites in 2024, with several more scheduled within the next 12–24 months to establish space heritage and demonstrate vertically integrated production capabilities.

The distinction between private and public satellite production in India is significant. While ISRO traditionally focuses on bespoke, high-value missions with long development cycles, Azista BST Aerospace is pioneering mass production for global markets, offering leaner, faster, and more cost-effective solutions.

This approach aligns with India’s Atmanirbhar Bharat and Make in India initiatives, positioning the country as a competitive player in the global satellite manufacturing ecosystem.

The company’s satellites are not only geared towards commercial geospatial applications but also have strategic defence utility, providing surveillance and reconnaissance capabilities that enhance national security. By integrating civilian and defence applications, Azista BST Aerospace is bridging the gap between commercial viability and strategic necessity.

Looking ahead, Azista BST Aerospace aims to build constellations of small satellites to serve global customers, offering real-time Earth observation data and communication services.

This ambition places the company at the forefront of India’s private space revolution, complementing ISRO’s achievements while expanding the nation’s role in the international space economy.

Agencies


General Raja Subramani Assumes CDS Role To Drive Theaterisation And Indigenisation


General N. S. Raja Subramani has formally assumed charge as India’s Chief of Defence Staff (CDS), succeeding General Anil Chauhan.

His appointment marks a decisive moment in India’s defence transformation, with a clear mandate to advance theatreisation, strengthen tri-service jointness, and accelerate indigenisation under the vision of Atmanirbharta.

Commissioned into the 8th Battalion of the Garhwal Rifles in December 1985, General Subramani’s career spans over four decades of distinguished service. He commanded 16 Garhwal Rifles during counter-insurgency operations in Assam under Operation Rhino, the 168 Infantry Brigade in Jammu & Kashmir, and the 17 Mountain Division in the Central Sector.

He also led the prestigious II Corps, the Indian Army’s premier strike formation on the western front, reflecting his deep operational expertise across India’s most sensitive theatres.

His senior appointments include serving as General Officer Commanding-in-Chief of the Central Command, Vice Chief of the Army Staff, and later as Military Adviser to the National Security Council Secretariat.

These roles gave him extensive exposure to strategic planning, inter-service coordination, and national security policymaking. He has also held instructional and staff positions, including Chief Instructor at the Defence Services Staff College, Wellington, and Chief of Staff at Northern Command, further enriching his leadership credentials.

General Subramani is highly decorated, having been awarded the Param Vishisht Seva Medal, Ati Vishisht Seva Medal, Sena Medal, and Vishisht Seva Medal for his distinguished service.

His academic background is equally formidable: he is an alumnus of the National Defence Academy, Indian Military Academy, Joint Services Command and Staff College in the UK, and the National Defence College in New Delhi. He holds a Master’s degree from King’s College London and an MPhil in Defence Studies from Madras University, combining operational experience with intellectual depth.

Upon assuming charge, General Subramani emphasised his commitment to Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s vision of “JAI” — Jointness, Atmanirbharta, and Innovation. He pledged to accelerate the development, induction, and integration of indigenous weapons systems, highlighting Atmanirbharta as a central pillar of India’s national security.

He also underlined the importance of innovation, calling for greater collaboration between the armed forces, industry, academia, start-ups, and the research ecosystem to drive modernisation.

His immediate mandate includes implementing integrated theatre commands to enhance synergy among the Army, Navy, and Air Force. This reform is expected to streamline command structures, improve operational efficiency, and strengthen India’s preparedness for multi-domain warfare.

He also reaffirmed the armed forces’ commitment to safeguarding India’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, while prioritising the welfare of soldiers, veterans, and Veer Naaris.

General Subramani’s appointment is historic for the Garhwal Rifles, as he becomes the first four-star officer from the regiment to reach the pinnacle of India’s military hierarchy. His rise symbolises continuity of military excellence and the emergence of a leadership vision rooted in both operational credibility and forward-looking transformation.

As India pursues one of the world’s most ambitious defence modernisation programmes, General Subramani’s leadership is expected to accelerate reforms, strengthen tri-service integration, and ensure that indigenous capability-building remains at the forefront of national security strategy.

Agencies


Pakistan Warns India Over Indus Treaty Suspension As Karachi Faces Deepening Water Crisis


Pakistan has warned India that suspending the Indus Waters Treaty risks setting a “dangerous precedent” for downstream nations, as Karachi faces a severe water crisis with nearly 70% of the city enduring shortages.

China has backed Pakistan’s stance, the US has urged balance, and India maintains Kashmir is an internal matter, raising the potential for wider geopolitical escalation.

Pakistan’s climate minister Musadik Malik accused India of “politicising shared water resources” by placing the Indus Waters Treaty in abeyance. He argued that no nation should be allowed to use water as a weapon, stressing that unilateral suspension of international agreements undermines global cooperation.

Malik warned that India’s move could embolden upstream countries worldwide to restrict access to shared rivers, threatening vulnerable downstream states. He urged India to respect the 1960 treaty and honour international mediation mechanisms, framing water access as a fundamental human right.

The warning comes as Karachi grapples with a worsening crisis. Nearly 70% of the city is experiencing prolonged water shortages, forcing residents to rely on costly private tankers.

The situation has been exacerbated by soaring summer temperatures and increased demand during Eid-ul-Adha. Local reports highlight that the shortages are not only straining households but also disrupting businesses and public services, intensifying frustration among citizens.

Pakistan has linked the crisis to broader climate challenges. Malik emphasised that Pakistan is among the nations most severely affected by global warming, with recurrent floods and extreme weather damaging infrastructure and agricultural lands.

He noted that Pakistan and Tajikistan have each lost around 1,000 glaciers due to rising temperatures, underscoring the urgent need for regional cooperation on glacial melt and ecosystem preservation. He called for stronger cross-border coordination to monitor shrinking glaciers and protect shared ecosystems, while also engaging in wildlife conservation initiatives.

The geopolitical stakes are rising. China has openly backed Pakistan’s position, framing India’s suspension of the treaty as destabilising for regional water security. The United States, while avoiding direct criticism, has urged both sides to maintain balance and avoid escalation.

India, however, has reiterated that Kashmir remains an internal matter and has linked its suspension of the treaty to security concerns following cross-border terrorism. New Delhi argues that cooperation cannot coexist with aggression, and its stance reflects a broader recalibration of water diplomacy as part of national security strategy.

Pakistan’s leadership has described India’s actions as “water aggression,” warning that depriving downstream nations of their lawful rights risks destabilising regional peace. President Asif Ali Zardari has gone further, labelling India’s suspension as “hydro-terrorism” and demanding restoration of the treaty.

Islamabad has cautioned that any obstruction of water flows allocated under the treaty could be considered an act of war, signalling the seriousness with which it views the issue.

The crisis in Karachi illustrates the human cost of these disputes. With millions struggling to access clean water, the debate over the Indus Waters Treaty has moved beyond diplomatic rhetoric to immediate humanitarian concerns.

Pakistan’s appeal for international support highlights the intersection of climate vulnerability, resource scarcity, and geopolitical rivalry. India’s position, meanwhile, underscores its determination to align water-sharing with security imperatives, even as global powers call for restraint.

Curated By IDN


Admiral Krishna Swaminathan Assumes Command As India’s New Navy Chief


Admiral Krishna Swaminathan has formally assumed charge as India’s new Chief of Naval Staff on 31 May 2026, succeeding Admiral Dinesh Kumar Tripathi. His tenure begins at a critical juncture marked by regional maritime turbulence, with a strong emphasis on operational readiness, technological modernisation, and safeguarding India’s national and economic interests.

Admiral Swaminathan took over the leadership of the Navy in New Delhi, underscoring the importance of vigilance in an increasingly complex maritime environment. He succeeds Admiral Tripathi, who retired after steering the force through a period of heightened operational activity and strategic challenges.

Prior to this appointment, Swaminathan served as the Flag Officer Commanding‑in‑Chief of the Western Naval Command, a role that placed him at the forefront of India’s maritime operations in the Arabian Sea and beyond.

Speaking to reporters, Admiral Swaminathan emphasised that the Indian Navy remains vigilant in protecting national interests wherever they lie. He noted that the regional security environment continues to be challenging, unpredictable, and uncertain, requiring sustained deployment and readiness.

He declared that his highest priority will be to ensure the Navy maintains peak levels of operational readiness and combat effectiveness, enabling it to safeguard both national security and economic interests.

The new Navy chief highlighted that the force is already on a trajectory of capability enhancement and modernisation. He pledged to sustain the growth momentum, consolidate ongoing programmes, and scale up where necessary.

He stressed the importance of sharpening operational capabilities through the induction of niche and emerging technologies, signalling a clear focus on artificial intelligence, autonomous systems, and advanced electronic warfare capabilities.

Admiral Swaminathan’s career reflects deep operational and strategic experience. Commissioned into the Navy in 1987, he is a specialist in communication and electronic warfare. He has commanded frontline warships including missile vessels INS Vidyut and Vinash, missile corvette INS Kulish, guided missile destroyer INS Mysore, and aircraft carrier INS Vikramaditya.

His leadership roles have spanned training, fleet operations, and personnel management, including serving as Vice Chief of the Naval Staff. He has also been instrumental in raising the Indian Naval Safety Team, ensuring operational safety across all verticals of the Navy.

An alumnus of the National Defence Academy, the Joint Services Command and Staff College in the United Kingdom, the College of Naval Warfare in Karanja, and the US Naval War College, Admiral Swaminathan brings a strong academic foundation to his role.

His qualifications include a BSc from Jawaharlal Nehru University, MSc in Telecommunications from Cochin University of Science and Technology, MA in Defence Studies from King’s College London, MPhil in Strategic Studies, and a PhD in International Studies from Mumbai University. He is a recipient of the Param Vishisht Seva Medal, Ati Vishisht Seva Medal, and Vishisht Seva Medal.

His assumption of command coincides with India’s broader military leadership transition, as Lieutenant General N S Raja Subramani has taken charge as the new Chief of Defence Staff.

Together, their appointments mark a significant reshuffle at the highest levels of India’s defence establishment, reinforcing the drive towards jointness, Theaterisation, and indigenous modernisation.

Admiral Swaminathan’s vision for the Navy is clear: sustain operational excellence, embrace emerging technologies, and ensure the force remains mission‑ready in an unpredictable maritime domain. His leadership is expected to consolidate India’s naval power projection across the Indo‑Pacific, strengthen deterrence, and safeguard national resilience in the face of evolving challenges.

Agencies


India Must Fast-Track Semiconductor Self-Reliance To Safeguard Economy And Security, Says NITI Aayog


India’s semiconductor import bill has surged to nearly $150 billion between FY17 and FY25, with NITI Aayog warning that costs could rise to $240 billion annually by 2035 if self-reliance is not achieved. 

The think tank stresses that chip independence is vital for national security, economic resilience, and India’s Viksit Bharat 2047 vision.

India’s semiconductor ecosystem remains at a nascent stage despite government initiatives such as the India Semiconductor Mission. The NITI Aayog report highlights that India currently meets only 5–10% of its semiconductor demand domestically, with 90–95% fulfilled through imports.

This dependence exposes the country to geopolitical risks, particularly given the concentration of global chip production in Taiwan, China, South Korea, and the US. Any disruption in Taiwan or China could replicate the severe shortages experienced during the Covid-19 pandemic, affecting automobiles, consumer electronics, healthcare, and defence.

The urgency is underscored by rising national security concerns. Chips are integral to defence and aerospace programs, yet many critical components used in unmanned aerial vehicles, naval systems, and airborne platforms are imported.

This reliance increases vulnerabilities in India’s defence modernisation efforts. Developing a domestic semiconductor base would safeguard autonomy in defence programs and reduce exposure to external supply chain shocks.

Economically, the import burden is escalating. India’s semiconductor imports grew at a compound annual growth rate of 23% between FY17 and FY25, rising from $5.7 billion to $30.3 billion. If unchecked, the annual import bill could reach $240 billion by 2035.

Domestic chip production would not only reduce this burden but also make next-generation technologies more affordable. Affordable India-made semiconductors could lower handset costs, enabling wider adoption of 5G and future 6G networks, which are crucial for rural connectivity, remote healthcare, and precision agriculture.

The report also points to India’s strengths in semiconductor design. The country hosts design centres of leading global fabless companies, supported by a talent pool that accounts for 20% of the world’s semiconductor design workforce.

Investments are also flowing into assembly and packaging facilities, with India aiming to build a $120–150 billion semiconductor value chain by 2035. The first fabrication plant in Gujarat’s Dholera is expected to begin production by 2028, marking a significant milestone in domestic manufacturing.

NITI Aayog’s roadmap outlines critical policy imperatives. These include mobilising long-term patient capital for capital-intensive fabs, establishing a single-window clearance mechanism, strengthening intellectual property protection, and securing critical minerals such as silicon carbide, gallium nitride, cobalt, and lithium.

Strategic partnerships with trusted nations like the US, Japan, Taiwan, and the EU are also emphasised to enable technology transfer, joint R&D, and integration into global supply chains.

The report stresses that semiconductors are no longer just industrial inputs but the foundation of national security, economic resilience, and digital sovereignty. They power everything from defence systems and telecom networks to AI infrastructure, automobiles, and healthcare devices.

Recognising their pivotal role and sustaining growth is essential to cement India’s position in the global value chain and to build an inclusive, resilient society. This is indispensable for accelerating India’s journey towards Viksit Bharat 2047.

TOI


Pakistan's Security Headaches Have Multiplied: A Russia-Taliban Defence Pact Reshapes South Asian Geopolitics, Weakens Pakistan


Russia’s decision to sign a landmark military cooperation agreement with the Taliban has triggered a profound shift in South Asia’s strategic landscape.

This pact, finalised during the International Security Forum in Moscow, is the first formal defence treaty the Taliban regime has entered into with any foreign nation.

It goes far beyond symbolism, laying out structural cooperation in arms exchanges, technology transfers, licensing agreements, and joint development projects. For Kabul, this provides legitimacy and access to advanced military hardware, while for Moscow, it secures influence in Afghanistan and strengthens its buffer against extremist spill over into Central Asia.

The irony of this alignment is striking when viewed against history. In 1979, the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan, only to be bled dry by mujahideen fighters funded by the United States and funnelled through Pakistan.

Those guerrillas eventually forced the Red Army’s withdrawal in 1989, hastening the Soviet collapse. Out of the ensuing civil war, the Taliban emerged in the early 1990s, composed of religious students and former mujahideen. Today, the descendants of those fighters are entering into defence cooperation with the very state their predecessors once fought to expel.

For Pakistan, this development is a strategic nightmare. Its military establishment long viewed Afghanistan as a source of “strategic depth” in the event of war with India, investing heavily in supporting the Taliban insurgency against Western-backed governments.

Yet since the Taliban’s return to power in 2021, relations have soured dramatically. Kabul has refused to recognise the Durand Line as the official border and has tolerated the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), which continues to launch deadly attacks inside Pakistan.

This has led to escalating hostilities, including border skirmishes, cross-border shelling, and Pakistani airstrikes on Afghan territory. Instead of providing depth, Afghanistan has become a liability, forcing Pakistan to stretch its military resources across two volatile fronts.

India, by contrast, has pursued a pragmatic engagement strategy. While avoiding formal recognition of the Taliban government, New Delhi has reopened its embassy in Kabul with a technical team and focused on humanitarian assistance such as wheat supplies, vaccines, and winter relief.

This development-first diplomacy has earned goodwill among Afghans and Taliban leaders. India has also explored structured trade channels, revitalised air freight corridors, and considered infrastructure investments through Iran’s Chabahar Port. By steering clear of interference in Afghan politics, India has revived its soft power and built a functional relationship with Kabul, positioning itself as a stabilising partner.

The Russia-Taliban pact dovetails neatly with India’s interests. Moscow remains New Delhi’s closest strategic partner, and its role as Kabul’s primary defence ally reduces the Taliban’s dependence on Chinese financing or Pakistani military support.

This alignment prevents Islamabad from weaponizing Afghan soil against India and forces Pakistan to divert resources to its western frontier. For India, the outcome is a major strategic gain: Pakistan’s grip on Afghanistan has collapsed, while India has quietly secured influence in its neighbour’s backyard through diplomacy and economic engagement.

This historical U-turn underscores how geopolitical tectonic plates are shifting in South Asia. Old animosities have given way to unexpected alliances, leaving Pakistan isolated and strategically weakened.

India, meanwhile, finds itself in a stronger position, consolidating its footprint in Central Asia and watching its primary adversary lose leverage in a region once considered its sphere of influence.

Agencies


Indian Navy Confined Pakistan Fleet To Ports During Operation Sindoor, Says Defence Minister Rajnath Singh


Defence Minister Rajnath Singh has underlined the decisive role played by the Indian Navy during Operation Sindoor, stating that the force compelled the entire Pakistan Navy to remain confined to its ports.

Speaking at the inauguration of the Nausena Shaurya Vatika in Lucknow, an open-air naval museum, Singh emphasised that the Navy’s deployment in the Arabian Sea with full preparedness and strength maintained constant pressure on Pakistan, ensuring its naval units did not venture out during the conflict.

Operation Sindoor, launched on 7 May 2025 in response to the Pahalgam terror attack, saw Indian forces conduct precision strikes on multiple terror infrastructures in Pakistan and Pakistan-occupied Kashmir. The military confrontation was halted on 10 May after both sides reached an understanding.

Singh highlighted that the Nausena Shaurya Vatika showcases the legacy, operational capabilities and maritime achievements of the Indian Navy. He described the museum as a source of pride not only for Lucknow and Uttar Pradesh but also for the nation.

He noted that in the coming years, the facility would evolve into a centre of inspiration, a tourist hub, and one of the city’s defining landmarks. The inauguration was attended by Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath, Indian Navy Chief Admiral Dinesh K Tripathi, and deputy chief ministers Brajesh Pathak and Keshav Prasad Maurya. Developed jointly by the Indian Navy and the Uttar Pradesh Tourism Department, the museum is dedicated to the bravery, valour and technological excellence of the naval force.

Explaining the rationale for establishing a naval museum in a landlocked city, Singh said maritime security is linked to every citizen, as the Indian Ocean is vital to the nation’s economy, trade and energy requirements.

He stressed that the Navy is an asset of the entire nation, drawing strength from the resolve of citizens across villages, towns and cities. Referring to the decommissioned warship INS Gomati, which forms the centrepiece of the museum, Singh pointed out its symbolic connection with Lucknow.

Just as the Gomti river flows through the city to join the Ganga and eventually the sea, INS Gomati brought honour to Lucknow while serving in the Indian Ocean. Its crest even carried the image of Lucknow’s historic Chhatar Manzil.

Singh described the Shaurya Vatika as more than a tourist attraction, calling it a living centre of inspiration that will remind citizens of the sacrifices made by the armed forces. He said it would teach future generations the value of freedom and security, encouraging reflection on the immense contributions of those who safeguard daily life.

He also referred to India’s growing military preparedness and indigenous defence production capabilities. He noted that before 2014, India’s defence exports were worth less than ₹1,000 crore, but today the figure has risen to nearly ₹40,000 crore, with equipment being exported to countries worldwide.

Praising the transformation of Uttar Pradesh under Chief Minister Adityanath, Singh recalled that the state was once associated with criminal rule and poor law and order, deterring investors. He contrasted this with the present, where the state has shifted from “One District, One Mafia” to “One District, One Product.”

He commended Adityanath for personally ensuring the museum project was completed in record time, from budget approval to monitoring each stage of work. Singh also announced plans to enhance the attraction further, assuring citizens that efforts would be made to bring a submarine to the site.

The museum’s key attraction, INS Gomati, was decommissioned on 28 May 2022. Other exhibits include the ship’s anchor, CET-53M submarine obstacle equipment, main mast and propeller. Visitors will also be able to learn about maritime security, naval operations and the technological capabilities of the Indian Navy.

Singh’s remarks reinforced the enduring impact of Operation Sindoor, where India’s naval deployment not only showcased maritime strength but also forced Pakistan’s navy into a defensive posture, validating India’s ability to respond to asymmetric threats with deliberate and proportionate force.

PTI


Maritime Security Interlinked With National Resilience, Says Navy Chief


Chief of Naval Staff Admiral Dinesh K Tripathi has underlined that India’s security environment is increasingly shaped by developments far beyond its borders, with maritime security now inseparable from economic and energy resilience.

He noted that geographical distance no longer provides insulation from the consequences of conflicts, citing the crises in West Asia and Ukraine as examples of how turbulence in distant regions can directly affect India’s national interests.

He stressed that Operation Sindoor reaffirmed the Indian Navy’s readiness, operational reach and deterrence capability, demonstrating its ability to respond decisively to cross‑border threats.

In an interview with PTI, Admiral Tripathi explained that maritime security challenges are interconnected, with disruptions in critical sea lanes capable of destabilising economies and energy supplies. He emphasised that the Navy today operates with sustained reach, credible capability and mission‑ready preparedness, enabling it to address a wide spectrum of maritime threats.

He added that deterrence stems from credible capability and sustained operational readiness, which remain central to safeguarding India’s maritime interests and contributing to regional stability.

Reflecting on recent conflicts, the Navy Chief observed that the assumption that wars would be short and swift has been disproved. He pointed out that the concept of strategic depth as a sanctuary has diminished in relevance due to the proliferation of long‑range precision weapons.

He warned that future conflicts will be defined by speed, scale and simultaneity, underscoring the changing character of warfare and the need for forces to adapt to these realities.

On the subject of military theatre commands, Admiral Tripathi said Theaterisation should be seen as a means of improving operational effectiveness rather than simply restructuring organisations. He stressed that jointness and integration among the armed forces have become an operational necessity in the modern battlespace.

The maritime domain, he explained, inherently requires the coordinated application of naval, air and land capabilities. He assured that the Navy would ensure any future theatre command framework is designed around maritime realities while remaining aligned with the broader objective of integrated warfighting.

Admiral Tripathi also addressed the growing presence of external powers in the Indian Ocean Region, noting that the Navy is fully aware of increasing strategic competition and the expanding presence of extra‑regional actors.

Without naming specific countries, he said the evolving security environment is being closely monitored, with India determined to safeguard its maritime interests and maintain stability in the region. He reiterated that deterrence is rooted in credible capability and sustained operational readiness.

Looking to the future, the Navy Chief highlighted the aggressive incorporation of emerging technologies to build a future‑ready force. He mentioned artificial intelligence, quantum technologies and autonomous systems as key areas being integrated across multiple operational domains.

He explained that technological modernisation, combined with operational readiness and credible capabilities, is central to the Navy’s long‑term strategy. This approach, he said, ensures that the force remains prepared for the demands of future conflicts and enhances its operational effectiveness in an increasingly complex security environment.

Admiral Tripathi’s remarks reflect a comprehensive vision of India’s maritime security posture, linking operational readiness with technological modernisation and jointness among the armed forces.

His emphasis on interconnected challenges, deterrence through capability, and the adoption of advanced technologies underscores the Navy’s role as a frontline force in safeguarding India’s national resilience and strategic interests across the Indo‑Pacific.

PTI


Cryptocurrency Channels Exposed In ISI-Backed Underworld Module Funding Route In India


The Delhi Police Special Cell has uncovered that Pakistan’s ISI-backed underworld module in India was attempting to channel funds through cryptocurrency networks, linking operatives to Dawood Ibrahim’s syndicate and foreign handlers.

Eight arrests have been made, and investigators are now scrutinising crypto hubs in Delhi and Maharashtra while tracing recruitment networks across multiple states.

The alleged network was exposed after a human intelligence tip-off, which revealed a wider conspiracy involving foreign handlers, local operatives, and criminal associates. Investigators believe the planning began nearly two months before the arrests, with the module attempting to expand its footprint by recruiting more agents within India. Mumbra in Maharashtra emerged as a critical hub for contacts and recruitment, tied to Dawood Ibrahim’s underworld networks.

A key figure in the probe is Lama Ang Kami, a 66-year-old Nepali national, who allegedly helped establish connections between handlers and operatives. His link to Karachi-based handler Munna Jugada was forged during their incarceration in a Bangkok prison, where they befriended each other. 

Munna Jugada, who had served time for an attack on Chota Shakeel, was reportedly tasked with proving his allegiance to ISI by planning attacks in India. This was Lama Ang Kami’s first visit to India, and investigators believe his role was pivotal in bridging foreign handlers with local operatives.

The Special Cell has identified suspected cryptocurrency-linked networks operating in Delhi’s Karol Bagh and other locations, which the accused allegedly planned to use for covert financing.

These channels were intended to move funds discreetly and evade detection, underscoring the growing reliance on digital assets by terror-linked modules. Authorities are now examining these networks to trace possible links to the case.

The arrests began with Uttar Pradesh resident Vijay alias Shooter, who was apprehended in Pune on 14 May. His aide Nitish was arrested in Sahibganj, Jharkhand, on 17 May. Vijay was allegedly in regular touch with members of the Shahzad Bhatti network operating from Pakistan and Dubai.

He was tasked with carrying out criminal and terror-related activities across Delhi, Punjab, Haryana, Rajasthan, and Uttar Pradesh, and was also responsible for recruiting young men for operations in Delhi-NCR.

Further interrogation widened the probe, leading to the arrest of Mumbai-based accused Taoqeer and Arbaaz on 27 May. Investigators allege that both were in touch with Yawar Khan and Munna Jhingada and had been recruited by a Mumbai-based operative named Huzaifa, who remains absconding. These arrests highlighted the deep penetration of the network into Mumbai’s underworld ecosystem.

The investigation then extended to Punjab, where Special Cell teams intercepted Harvinder Singh, Gagandeep Singh, and Manjeet Singh on Delhi’s Mehrauli-Badarpur Road in the early hours of 30 May. 

A large cache of arms and ammunition was recovered, further exposing the scale of the module’s operations. These developments point to a coordinated effort by ISI-backed handlers to destabilise India by targeting security establishments and crowded civilian areas.

The emerging picture suggests a network combining foreign handlers, local operatives, criminal contacts, and covert financing channels.

By exploiting cryptocurrency, the module sought to bypass traditional financial scrutiny and sustain its operations.

The arrests have dealt a significant blow to the ISI-backed underworld-terror nexus, but investigators continue to probe additional links, funding routes, and potential recruits across India.

Agencies


Russia-Taliban Pact Opens Strategic Window For India


Russia and the Taliban have now signed a formal military pact, a development that reshapes the strategic landscape of South Asia.

For India, this evolving closeness between Moscow and Kabul could present a distinct advantage, particularly as New Delhi has been steadily deepening its engagement with the Taliban regime over the past few years.

The agreement signals a new phase in Afghanistan’s external relations, where Russia’s backing provides the Taliban with legitimacy and military support, while simultaneously curbing the influence of Pakistan and China.

The significance of this pact for India lies in the diplomatic groundwork it has already laid with Kabul. Last year, Taliban foreign minister Amir Khan Muttaqi visited India, marking a notable step in bilateral engagement. During this visit, India announced its decision to upgrade its technical mission in Kabul to the status of a full embassy.

External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar emphasised India’s commitment to Afghanistan’s sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence, stating that closer cooperation would contribute to national development, regional stability and resilience.

This move underscored India’s intent to establish a more permanent presence in Afghanistan, despite not formally recognising the Taliban government.

A Russia-backed Taliban regime could provide India with greater room to manoeuvre diplomatically. By engaging with Kabul through development projects, humanitarian assistance and trade channels, India can strengthen its influence without the need for formal recognition.

Russia’s military support to the Taliban reduces the group’s dependence on Pakistan’s intelligence networks and China’s financial overtures, thereby limiting both countries’ leverage in Afghanistan. This shift aligns with India’s long-term strategic interests, as it prevents Islamabad from using Afghan soil as a staging ground for destabilising activities against India.

India’s pragmatic approach has already earned goodwill among Afghans. Humanitarian aid, including wheat supplies, vaccines and winter relief, has bolstered India’s image as a reliable partner. Infrastructure initiatives, such as revitalising air freight corridors and exploring trade routes via Iran’s Chabahar Port, further demonstrate

India’s commitment to Afghanistan’s economic survival. With Russia now stepping in as Kabul’s primary defence ally, India’s close partnership with Moscow could serve as a stabilising factor, ensuring that Afghanistan does not fall entirely under the sway of China or Pakistan.

The broader geopolitical implications are significant. Pakistan’s long-standing strategy of cultivating Afghanistan as a sphere of influence has collapsed, with the Taliban refusing to recognise the Durand Line and tolerating the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan’s insurgency.

This has forced Islamabad into open hostilities with Kabul, stretching its military resources along two volatile borders. For India, this erosion of Pakistan’s strategic depth is a major gain, as it diverts Islamabad’s focus and weakens its regional leverage.

In essence, the Russia-Taliban pact creates a triangular dynamic where India can engage Kabul more confidently, supported indirectly by Moscow’s military partnership.

This alignment not only neutralises Pakistan’s influence but also curtails China’s ability to dominate Afghanistan through economic means. For New Delhi, the opportunity lies in consolidating its soft power and economic diplomacy, while leveraging its strategic ties with Russia to ensure that Afghanistan remains a space where India can operate without being overshadowed by its adversaries.

Agencies


Operation Sindoor 2.0: Indian Armed Forces Expand Into Multi-Domain Warfare Amid Transparent Battlefields And Information Challenges


General Upendra Dwivedi has confirmed that Operation Sindoor remains active despite a pause in hostilities, with the tri-services preparing for “Operation Sindoor 2.0.”

The Indian military is expanding into new domains such as space, cyber, and cognitive warfare, while emphasising synergy, caution in deployments, and national unity in the face of information warfare.

Operation Sindoor, launched in May 2025 as a retaliatory strike against Pakistan-backed terrorism, continues to shape India’s military posture. General Dwivedi, speaking in Pune, stressed that although there is a temporary cessation of hostilities, the armed forces are actively preparing for the next phase. 

He underlined that the Army, Navy, and Air Force are working cohesively to ensure readiness for multi-domain warfare, which will extend beyond traditional land, sea, and air operations.

The armed forces are expanding their operational focus to include space, cyber, and cognitive warfare, recognising that future conflicts will be fought across these domains. Cyber operations are increasingly central to disrupting adversary networks, while space-based assets are vital for surveillance, communication, and precision targeting.

Cognitive warfare, aimed at influencing perceptions and morale, is becoming a defining feature of modern conflict.

Enhancing synergy between the three services is a priority. General Dwivedi noted that joint planning and integrated command structures are being strengthened to ensure seamless coordination.

This reflects lessons learned from Operation Sindoor, where combined air power and missile systems played a decisive role. The tri-services are now equipping themselves with advanced drones, counter-drone systems, and AI-driven technologies to optimise battlefield resources.

Modern battlefields are highly transparent, with surveillance systems and drones monitoring movements continuously. Dwivedi emphasised that extreme caution in deployments and troop movements is essential, as adversaries can detect even minor shifts. This transparency demands new doctrines for force protection, deception, and mobility, ensuring troops and civilians in border areas remain safeguarded.

Information warfare has emerged as a critical front. Dwivedi stressed that such operations succeed only when the nation stands united and trusts official sources of information. He warned that misinformation campaigns aim to erode morale and sow division, but a cohesive national narrative can counter these threats. Victory, he said, lies in the mind as much as on the battlefield.

India’s broader modernisation programs are aligned with these priorities. Under the “Decade of Transformation,” the armed forces are inducting new platforms such as Rafale fighter jets, S-400 systems, loitering munitions, and advanced air defence guns. Investments in indigenous defence industries, supported by initiatives like iDEX and the Defence Corridor, are building self-reliance and resilience.

Artificial intelligence and automation are being integrated into command systems to manage the vast resources of modern battlefields efficiently.

The Army Chief’s remarks highlight that Operation Sindoor 2.0 is not merely a contingency plan but a reflection of India’s evolving doctrine. The armed forces are preparing for conflicts that will be multi-domain, technologically driven, and psychologically contested.

The emphasis on national unity underscores that military preparedness must be matched by societal resilience against misinformation and external manipulation.

Agencies


US Defence Chief Pete Hegseth Credits Trump For India-Pakistan Peace, Highlights India As Key Indo-Pacific Partner


US Secretary of War Pete Hegseth addressed the Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore, crediting President Donald Trump with helping broker peace between India and Pakistan.

He highlighted the understanding reached between the two nuclear-armed neighbours following their military confrontation last year, praising Trump’s role in easing tensions.

Hegseth remarked that the president’s ability to bring the two sides together was instrumental in achieving peace, though India has consistently rejected claims of third-party mediation, maintaining that the understanding was reached directly between New Delhi and Islamabad.

Trump has repeatedly asserted that he played a decisive role in securing peace after the four-day conflict triggered by the terror attack in Jammu and Kashmir’s Pahalgam, which claimed 26 lives. India, however, has emphasised that the resolution was achieved bilaterally without external intervention. 

Hegseth acknowledged that both India and Pakistan would continue to view each other through the lens of security concerns, noting that while both nations may pursue advanced capabilities such as intercontinental ballistic missiles, Washington does not currently consider either country a direct threat.

In his remarks, Hegseth praised both India and Pakistan for their contributions to international stability, stating that each had provided benefits to peace in their respective spheres.

Hegseth underscored its growing military and industrial capabilities, describing the country as an increasingly vital security partner in the Indo-Pacific.

He highlighted India’s modernisation of its armed forces and its efforts to maintain a balance of power in the Indian Ocean region. He also noted India’s progress in building industrial and logistics capacity to sustain high-end military operations, and confirmed that Washington is committed to pursuing co-production initiatives with India to enhance capabilities.

Hegseth’s remarks on India were framed within Washington’s broader Indo-Pacific strategy, which he said aims to preserve regional stability and prevent any single power from dominating. He emphasised the need for a stable equilibrium that benefits both Americans and their allies, making clear that the United States seeks a durable balance of power in which no state, including China, can impose hegemony or threaten the security and prosperity of others.

He stressed that the Indo-Pacific remains central to US security and prosperity, reassuring regional partners of Washington’s commitment despite challenges elsewhere, including in West Asia. Hegseth also renewed calls for greater burden-sharing among allies, declaring that the era of the United States subsidising the defence of wealthy nations is over. He insisted that Washington seeks alliances based on shared responsibility rather than dependency.

The US secretary reaffirmed America’s intention to strengthen military capabilities and cooperation with allies to preserve regional stability.

He highlighted defence commitments undertaken by several Indo-Pacific partners, including India, Japan, South Korea, Australia, Singapore, Malaysia, Thailand, Vietnam and the Philippines. At the same time, he clarified that Washington is not seeking confrontation with Beijing, despite concerns over China’s military build-up.

The Shangri-La Dialogue, organised by the International Institute for Strategic Studies, remains Asia’s premier security forum, bringing together defence ministers, military leaders and security officials from across the globe to deliberate on pressing strategic and security challenges.

Hegseth’s address underscored both the enduring importance of India in Washington’s Indo-Pacific strategy and the evolving role of Pakistan in regional diplomacy.

Agencies