Quetta Double Killing Allegation Sparks Fresh Scrutiny of Balochistan Police Genocidal Atrocities

A grieving mother in Balochistan has levelled serious allegations against a senior police officer, accusing him and two alleged associates of fatally shooting her son and his friend in Quetta last month. The case has intensified concerns over police accountability and the alleged misuse of authority in the province.

Speaking at a press conference in Quetta, Bibi Sharaf, a resident of Sariab, claimed that the Station House Officer (SHO) of New Sariab Police Station, accompanied by two associates, opened fire on her son, Noorullah, and his companions on 25 September.

According to Sharaf, the group had been returning from a picnic in the Bolan area when the shooting took place. The incident allegedly resulted in the deaths of Noorullah, who worked at a garage, and his friend, Shafi Muhammad.

A third companion, Zaheer Ahmed, was injured during the alleged attack and survived. Sharaf contends that the circumstances surrounding the deaths were subsequently concealed through the registration of what she described as a fabricated criminal case.

The bereaved mother stated that she had repeatedly submitted formal complaints to the relevant police authorities, seeking the registration of a criminal case against the SHO and the two alleged accomplices. However, she alleged that no action had been taken and that her applications had received no meaningful response.

The allegations have renewed attention on longstanding concerns regarding law enforcement accountability in Balochistan, where human rights groups and local activists have frequently called for greater transparency in investigations involving security personnel and police officials.

During her appearance before the media, Sharaf delivered an emotional warning, stating that she would set herself on fire outside the Quetta Press Club if justice was not provided. She further said that the responsible authorities would be accountable for any consequences arising from what she described as a continued denial of justice.

Demanding immediate legal proceedings against those she accuses of involvement in the shootings, Sharaf maintained that her family would continue seeking accountability for the deaths of Noorullah and Shafi Muhammad, as well as justice for the injuries sustained by Zaheer Ahmed. The case has emerged as another test of public confidence in the ability of authorities to impartially investigate allegations involving serving police officers.

ANI

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Pakistan Is Bleeding Its Own ‘Jugular Vein’

by Nilesh Kunwar

Master Illusionists

Conditions in Pakistan occupied Jammu and Kashmir (PoK) have never been good. Had it really been so, Islamabad wouldn’t have to take so much effort and spend a fortune on projecting an illusion of its wellbeing and prosperity.

Readers would recall that in 2011, a US court found Kashmiri American Council (KAC) head Ghulam Nabi Fai guilty of running a “decades-long scheme” to influence the US government’s position on Kashmir. He was indicted for concealing receipt of at least $ 4 million from Pakistan army’s spy agency Inter Services Intelligence (ISI) for promoting Pakistan’s Kashmir narrative amongst US politicians.

But this wasn't an aberration.

Just four years ago, Islamabad sponsored an all-expenses-paid weeklong visit of US Congresswoman Ilhan Omar to PoK. She expectedly reciprocated by making pro-Pakistan statements which Islamabad liberally used to buttress its Kashmir charade. And despite facing a humongous financial crisis , cash-strapped Pakistan spent roughly three times more money than India on hiring lobbying firms during April-May last year.

The Bubble Bursts

By 2023, public anger due to poor governance and the abject apathy of PoK authorities along with undue curbs on basic liberties had reached the tipping point. Exorbitant increase in wheat prices due to withdrawal of subsidy and inflated electricity bills acted as the trigger that forced the helpless people to take to the streets.

The Joint Awami Action Committee (JAAC) which led the PoK protests comprised traders, lawyers, activists and students sans any ideological or political agenda. The 38 demands projected by JAAC concern reforms to address genuine public grievances regarding governance and fiscal issues that are adversely impacting the people of PoK.

Seeing the determination of locals, the federal and PoK governments were forced to negotiate with JAAC and announced measures to pacify the people. However, as this exercise turned out to be mere lip service, and despite official claims that outstanding differences have been resolved PoK saw protests erupting in 2024 as well as 2025 . Protests broke out once again during June this year and are continuing till date, exposing Islamabad’s falsehood about PoK.

Devious Plot

Instead of addressing public grievances, Field Marshal Asim Munir who’s the de facto ruler of Pakistan has sought to tackle this issue by applying his perverse but favourite ‘give a dog a bad name and hang it’ stratagem. So, proscribing JAAC under PoK Anti-Terrorism Act, 2014 to justify use of indiscriminate force against protesters was expected all along.

It’s amply clear that despite this policy’s miserably failure in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan, Field Marshal Munir has still repeated this self-debilitating strategy in PoK. This move has in turn bared Islamabad’s dark underbelly and created yet another battle ground for Pakistan and the repression is so intense that PoK residents have been forced to demand demolition of the Line of Control that divides Kashmir.

Eight years ago, the Director General of Pakistan army’s media wing Inter Services Public Relations warned the media saying, "We have the capability to monitor social media as to who is doing what," and ever since the fourth estate has been wary of publishing anything that could annoy the ‘establishment.’ The JAAC's demand for doing away with 12 seats reserved for refugees under the PoK constitution has thus received little balanced coverage. However, some young people have dared to Sha objective analysis of the persisting faceoff regarding reserved refugee seats in PoK Assembly.

Shahid Khalid Madni, a Research and Comms Associate at the Research Society of International Law and the Quran Covenant Research Center, Pakistan writes- “JAAC’s strongest argument is based on territorial accountability. People living inside AJK directly depend on its hospitals, schools, roads, local administration and electricity system. They bear the consequences of decisions taken by the AJK government.”

He adds, “Refugee voters living in Pakistan remain politically connected to Kashmir, but their daily lives are generally governed by Pakistan’s federal and provincial institutions,” and logically concludes that JAAC therefore questions whether they should possess enough electoral influence to decide who governs Muzaffarabad.”

The authorities however maintain that being a constitutional provision contained in Article 22, refugee seats cannot be abolished through executive action. Though this is the correct legal position, nothing prevents Islamabad and the PoK Assembly to consider an appropriate constitutional amendment under Article 33 to meet the justified aspirations of the people.

Madni also reveals that “JAAC did not initially rely only on a demand for total abolition. It reportedly proposed alternative arrangements, including symbolic representation or a reduced number of seats in another institution such as the AJK Council.” He rightly opines that “These proposals show that the dispute is capable of constitutional compromise. The core demand is not necessarily the removal of refugee identity from AJK’s political structure, but the prevention of disproportionate influence over territorial governance.”

It’s no secret that Islamabad relies heavily on the 12 refugee seats in PoK Assembly to manipulate decisions and thereby maintain its iron grip over this illegally held territory, and Field Marshal Munir would be the last person to allow any constitutional amendments that would deprive him of this ace up his sleeve.

Aqueeb Shahid, a student of international relations at the International Institute for Regional & International Studies at The Islamia University of Bahawalpur, Pakistan explains why people of PoK are against 12 reserved refugee seats in PoK Assembly.

He mentions that “According to the 2017 census, Kashmir's total population is about 4 million. Registered voters for the Kashmir legislative assembly number nearly 3.8 million. Of these, registered voters who are actual Kashmiri locals number 3.3 million, making up 88.5 per cent of total voters, and they decide only 33 of the 45 assembly seats. Registered refugee voters number about 0.4 million, or just 11.5 per cent of voters, but they decide 12 seats.

So, it is very unfair that the balance is not equal between these seats. On average, it takes 17,000 to 45,000 votes to decide who wins a seat in Kashmir, depending on the polling station's population. On the other hand, very few votes, sometimes even 100 to 500, can decide who wins a refugee seat. But the ministries that hold real power often go to them, and most importantly, these 12 seats can decide which government forms, causing serious tension among political parties.

He opines that “Refugees should still have a proper right to be represented, but such a large number of seats decided by so few votes will always cause fights, and this issue will not be solved that way” and logically suggests that “The seats need to be brought closer to the number of people they actually represent, not removed out of anger, and not left the same out of habit, but changed through a fair process.”

The Reality

There can’t be a bigger paradox than PoK. Article 7(2) of PoK Constitution stipulates that “No person or political party in Azad Jammu and Kashmir (PoK) shall be permitted to propagate against or take part in activities prejudicial or detrimental to the ideology of the State’s accession to Pakistan.” Yet, Islamabad refers to PoK as “Azad (independent) Kashmir.”

PoK has a semi-autonomous constitutional framework with its own president, prime minister, legislature, Supreme Court and even a state flag. Yet candidates seeking elected office must pledge allegiance to Pakistan. It may have been named “Azad Kashmir,” but its highest body called “Azad Jammu and Kashmir Council (AJKC) works under the federal government of Pakistan and is chaired by the prime minister of Pakistan.

The brutal manner in which the Pakistani security forces are dealing with peaceful protesters is really appalling. And Islamabad’s indifference towards heeding to their genuine grievances and demand for basic amenities has made the people of PoK finally realise that they’ve been cheated all along. They were told that people in J&K are being persecuted and the conditions there are unbearable, but now it’s evident that the truth is otherwise.

Munir may claim that Kashmir was, is and will remain part of Pakistan and is its jugular vein. But the brutal way in which his forces are treating PoK residents proves beyond any doubts that such hollow statements are mere rhetoric and Pakistan covets Kashmir for its real estate, not its people.

Nilesh Kunwar is a retired Indian Army Officer who has served in Jammu & Kashmir, Assam, Nagaland and Manipur. He is a keen ‘Kashmir-Watcher,’ and after retirement is pursuing his favourite hobby of writing for newspapers, journals and think-tanks. Views expressed above are the author's own

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Armed Gunmen Abduct 20 Police Recruits From Highway Van In Balochistan

A major security incident has intensified concerns in Pakistan’s troubled Balochistan province after 20 police recruits were abducted by armed men in Mastung district while travelling home from training.

The recruits were undergoing training at the Kalat Police Training Centre and were reportedly heading home for weekend leave when their passenger van was intercepted on the Quetta-Karachi Highway.

According to officials, a group of armed men riding motorcycles and carrying automatic weapons stopped the vehicle in the Gorgina area of Mastung before taking the recruits away to an undisclosed location.

The attackers reportedly released the van driver and several civilian passengers before fleeing with the recruits, indicating that the security personnel were the specific targets of the operation.

The abducted personnel were said to be former members of the Levies Force, which has since been merged into the police service. Many of the recruits reportedly belonged to districts within the Rakhshan division.

Security forces launched an extensive search operation shortly after the incident, deploying personnel across surrounding mountainous areas and establishing checkpoints in and around Mastung as part of efforts to locate the missing recruits.

At the time of the abduction, no organisation had formally claimed responsibility. However, reports suggested that Baloch separatist militants were among the groups being investigated in connection with the incident.

The kidnapping comes amid a wider pattern of attacks and abductions targeting security personnel and government officials in Balochistan, a province that has witnessed persistent insurgent activity, armed assaults and security operations for years.

Recent incidents in the province have included attacks on police checkpoints, kidnappings of public officials and assaults on transport routes, highlighting the continuing security challenges faced by authorities in the region.

The latest abduction has further underscored concerns about the safety of security personnel travelling through remote areas of Balochistan and the ability of militant groups to carry out high-profile operations against state institutions.

Agencies

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Pakistan Tops Global Terrorism Index As Death Toll Climbs To 1,139 In 2025

According to a report by WION, For the first time on record, Pakistan now stands as the world's most terrorism-affected nation, according to the Global Terrorism Index 2026 released by the Institute for Economics & Peace.

The Sydney-based think tank's annual assessment reveals that Pakistan suffered 1,139 deaths across 1,045 terrorist incidents in 2025 alone, pushing terrorism-related fatalities up by almost 6% compared to 2024.

The report highlights that Pakistan recorded 1,139 terrorism-related fatalities and 1,045 incidents during 2025, representing a death toll increase of nearly 6% compared to the previous year.

Persistent counter-terror operations and cross-border militant activity along the Afghanistan-Pakistan borderlands drove this surge in fatalities, making Pakistan the central global focus of militant impact while overtaking Burkina Faso.

This grim milestone represents Pakistan's deadliest year from terrorism since 2013 and extends an unbroken six-year streak of escalating violence. Until now, Burkina Faso had held the unfortunate distinction of leading the index, but Pakistan's deteriorating security situation has seen it overtake the West African nation in 2025.

The report identifies two primary drivers behind the surge: the Taliban's 2021 takeover of Afghanistan, which opened new avenues for cross-border militant movements, and the intensified operations of the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan alongside the Balochistan Liberation Army. The TTP, in particular, has been singled out as not only Pakistan's most lethal insurgent outfit but also the third-deadliest terrorist organisation worldwide.

Geographically, the violence has been heavily concentrated in Balochistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, regions that have long been flashpoints for separatist and Islamist militant activity. Beyond the death toll, the human cost in 2025 included 1,595 injuries and 655 hostages taken during attacks.

The Global Terrorism Index, now in its thirteenth edition, assesses 163 nations covering 99.7% of humanity, using a composite score that factors in deaths, injuries, hostages and property destruction. Despite a global decline in terrorism-related deaths to a ten-year low, Pakistan's trajectory runs counter to this positive worldwide pattern.

Reacting to the findings, former Pakistani diplomat Husain Haqqani remarked that decades of nurturing militant proxies had finally come back to haunt Islamabad, likening the situation to keeping snakes in one's own backyard.

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PTI's Long March Intensifies Tensions In Pakistan

Pakistan's political confrontation intensified on 4 October 2026 as PTI formally began its long march towards Islamabad after negotiations with the federal government ended in deadlock. The first convoy departed from Gandi Chowk in Lakki Marwat under the leadership of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Chief Minister Sohail Afridi.

The march is designed as a phased mobilisation across Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Participants are travelling through Karak, Kohat, Peshawar and surrounding areas before converging at Khairabad later this week, where party leaders are expected to unveil the next stage of the campaign.

The failed talks had been viewed as a final opportunity to avert the protest. However, sharp differences remained over counter-terrorism coordination, access to Imran Khan and concerns surrounding his medical treatment, leading both sides to abandon efforts to reach a compromise.

At the centre of PTI's demands is the release of former Prime Minister Imran Khan. The party is also pressing for hospital-based medical examinations by his personal doctors, improved healthcare arrangements for Bushra Bibi and the release of Khan's sisters together with detained party workers.

The federal government has responded with extensive security preparations. Routes leading into Islamabad have been fortified with containers, while police and paramilitary forces have been placed on heightened alert to prevent disruption in the capital.

Government officials have stressed that any unlawful activity during the march will be dealt with through legal channels. Meanwhile, consultations between federal and provincial authorities have fuelled speculation about stronger constitutional measures in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa should the political standoff continue to escalate.

The unfolding mobilisation represents one of PTI's most significant protest efforts in recent years and is likely to shape Pakistan's political landscape in the days ahead as both sides remain firmly entrenched in their positions.

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Why Pakistan will Escape FATF Grey-Listing

by Nilesh Kunwar

Dubious Claim

In his UNGA address last month, Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif asserted that "Had these terrorists (in Pakistan) not been encountered by us, they would have been roaming on the streets of New York and London and God knows, the Far East." He also attempted to portray Islamabad as a global “bulwark” against terrorism.

It appears that Sharif was well aware that his claims of waging a war against terror in all its forms and manifestations would find no takers. Why else would he have placed a cheering team in the gallery for repeatedly interrupting his uninspiring statements by its continuous applause in response to hand signals given by Pakistani Information Minister Attaullah Tarar?

Anti Grey-Listing Ploys

However, Sharif wouldn’t have been unduly upset as this message was for the international money laundering and terrorist financing watchdog, Financial Action Task Force (FATF). With its next Plenary and Working Group meetings scheduled from October 26 to 30th, Islamabad is (like always) busy putting up appearances and cleaning up its backyard to escape being ‘grey-listed’.

To impress FATF, Pakistan has recently increased the bounty for any information leading to the arrest of UN designated global terrorist Jaish-e-Mohammad (JeM) chief Masood Azhar from PKR 2 million to PKR 7 million. It has also ordered the ‘snakes’ in its backyard to go into temporary hibernation thereby creating an illusion that Pakistan has no truck with terrorists.

Pakistan may have suffered the ignominy of being grey-listed by FATF for four years (2018-2022) but perturbed because it has mastered the art of eating the cake and having it too by playing the terror-victim card. And the icing on the cake is that Islamabad is currently in the good books of the very same extremely influential benefactor it had annoyed in 2018.

Readers would recollect President Trump’s 2018 curt New Year tweet accusing Pakistan of giving the US “nothing but lies and deceit,” and providing “safe haven to the terrorists we hunt in Afghanistan.” Pakistan was put in the Grey-List the same year couldn’t be a mere coincidence.

But the situation today has completely changed. As Sharif never tires of heaping praise on Trump, he considers the Pakistani Prime Minister to be a “terrific man.” And by acting as a faithful page as well as making sweet deals with Washington, Pakistan’s de facto ruler Field Marshal Asim Munir has become the US President’s “favourite field marshal.”

Washington exercises extraordinary influence over FATF member states- a fact endorsed by the 2020 revelation of the then Pakistani Foreign Minister Shah Mehmood Qureshi’s that Islamabad had approached Washington to help it exit the FATF Grey-list. And it’s no secret that US influence did help Pakistan in getting out of the Grey-list in 2022.

While it’s not yet clear whether Islamabad has hired lobbying firms for this purpose but given its past history of doing so during pre and post Operation Sindoor period ( when it spent a whopping $600,000 a month before Operation Sindoor), as revealed by mandatory disclosures by these firms, soliciting services for lobbying firms to influence US lawmakers in backing Pakistan’s bid to protect itself from FATF grey-listing wouldn’t come as a surprise.

Another reason why Islamabad’s is likely to escape Grey-listing is the FATF’s perfunctory approach to terrorism financing. An example- its official website mentions that “The FATF notes with grave concern and condemns the brutal terrorist attack in Pahalgam on 22 April 2025,” and accepts that “This, and other recent attacks, could not occur without money and the means to move funds between terrorist supporters.” However, by failing to name Pakistan despite irrefutable evidence of its involvement, FATF has only further emboldened Rawalpindi.

Repercussions For India

Thanks to a political and internal security crisis exacerbated by Field Munir’s over-obsession with using brute force to subdue dissent, Pakistan is on the brink, and if its harried population isn’t provided a suitable diversion, the situation can well take a very ugly turn.

So, in order to placate public anger and conceal his own army’s failure to restore normalcy in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) and Balochistan, Field Marshal Munir has conveniently made his people believe that Kabul and New Delhi are sponsoring TTP and armed Baloch groups respectively. And to live up to his "Allah has made me the guardian of this nation” claim, he has assured Pakistanis that the Pakistan army will not spare terrorists or their “facilitators”.

By dubbing armed groups of Baloch freedom fighters as Fitna-al-Hindustan (Pak's designate of rebel and separatist groups operating within Balochistan, alleging that they are proxies backed by India), 

Munir may have successfully exploited the significant anti-India sentiment in Pakistan. However, the people are now asking that if New Delhi is indeed Fitna-al-Hindustan’s “facilitator,” then why is the Pakistan army not targeting India?

Most importantly, Pakistanis would like to know that when Sharif claims that the Pakistani armed forces “silenced the enemy (India), repulsed its attack and taught it a lesson it shall never, ever forget” during Operation Sindoor / Bunyan-un-Marsoos, then why not teach it a similar lesson as punitive action for sponsoring armed Baloch groups?

India’s Response

If Pakistan army’s proxy war in J&K is currently at a low key, it’s just because of FATF’s Plenary and Working Group meetings scheduled later this month. Once it’s over, and Pakistan is not Grey-listed, one can expect a surge in Pakistan sponsored terrorist activities as being in a desperate situation, Pakistan’s ‘failed’ marshal has to do something across the Line of Control to save face. Therefore it would be puerile to place too much hope on FATF. This winter in J&K is likely to be hot.

By stating in his UNGA address that “our right to defend ourselves against terrorism will be exercised” and that “friendship and goodwill cannot co-exist with terrorism,” as well as the caveat that “it is for the perpetrator of terrorism to mend its ways,” Indian External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar has sent out an unambiguous message to Pakistan.

New Delhi therefore needs to explore using a wide range of effective deterrents against any misadventure orchestrated by the Pakistan army and its proxies. These actions should not only be restricted to retributory kinetic operations but also include economic, political and diplomatic measures to enhance its impact, because the harsh reality is that come what may, Rawalpindi will never mend its ways.

Nilesh Kunwar is a retired Indian Army Officer who has served in Jammu & Kashmir, Assam, Nagaland and Manipur. He is a keen ‘Kashmir-Watcher,’ and after retirement is pursuing his favourite hobby of writing for newspapers, journals and think-tanks. Views expressed above are the author's own

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Baloch Liberation Army Claims Khuzdar Strike Under 'Operation Marg-E-Gaddaran', Five Killed

The Baloch Liberation Army has claimed responsibility for Wednesday’s attack near the compound of Shafiq-ur-Rehman Mengal in Khuzdar, alleging that five people, including a police officer, were killed in the operation. The incident was reported by The Balochistan Post.

According to the statement, BLA spokesperson Jeeyand Baloch said the group’s fighters targeted what it described as an “important and active base” belonging to Mengal in the Awak area of Aranji, Wadh. The organisation claimed that all five armed men present at the site were associated with an alleged “death squad”.

The BLA further stated that its fighters seized weapons and other military equipment following the attack. Those killed were identified as Abdul Hayee, Naimatullah, Yahya, Naseer Ahmed and Noora Mohammad Zai. The group accused Noora Mohammad, described as a police officer, of working for the alleged “death squad” under the cover of a government uniform.

The attack was described as part of the BLA’s “Operation Marg-e-Gaddaran”, or “Death to Traitors”, which had been announced earlier this year against individuals and armed groups accused of operating under state patronage.

The spokesperson linked this operation to the BLA’s Majeed Brigade attack on Mengal’s main compound in Khuzdar on July 8, where the group claimed 34 of Mengal’s associates were killed, while Mengal himself escaped in a bulletproof vehicle.

The BLA said that under “Operation Marg-e-Gaddaran”, it would continue targeting what it calls “traitors” and their operatives. The organisation claimed that its military units remained continuously active in destroying alleged secret bases. It also issued what it described as a final warning to people associated with Mengal or other alleged “death squads”.

The statement urged those individuals to sever ties, end intelligence or military cooperation, and return to civilian life. The BLA said that those who withdrew from such associations would not be harmed. However, it warned that anyone continuing to provide information or assistance to Mengal would be regarded as a “national traitor” and directly targeted.

The group further declared that “Operation Marg-e-Gaddaran” would continue “with full intensity and strength” until, in its words, Balochistan had been “completely purged of traitors”. The BLA reiterated its commitment to intensifying armed operations against those it accuses of working under state patronage.

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Pakistani Military Aircraft Reportedly Conduct Airstrikes In Kalat Balochistan

Pakistani military aircraft reportedly conducted airstrikes at two locations in Kalat on Monday, a day after a drone targeted a vehicle in Manguchar.

According to The Balochistan Post, helicopter shelling and quadcopter attacks were also reported from several parts of the district.

A jet aircraft reportedly carried out an airstrike in the Chappar area of Kalat. A powerful blast was heard in the area, though there was no immediate information about casualties or the extent of damage. Another explosion was reported near Took and Dasht-e-Goran. While the exact location of the blast could not be confirmed, jet aircraft were reportedly seen flying over the area around the time of the explosion.

On Sunday, a drone reportedly targeted a vehicle in Manguchar. Details regarding possible casualties or damage were not immediately available.

Separately, gunship helicopters allegedly shelled Rudeenjo and nearby areas for several hours on Sunday. Quadcopter attacks were also reported from the region. Communication disruptions and movement restrictions in the affected areas have made it difficult to independently verify the reports or obtain comprehensive information about possible casualties and damage.

The reported attacks come amid a series of military operations and aerial strikes across Balochistan in recent weeks. Several incidents have led to allegations of civilian casualties.

On September 10, four civilians were reportedly killed and several others injured after Frontier Corps personnel allegedly opened fire on a wedding gathering in Wadh, Khuzdar. Seven-year-old Shahzaib was among those injured.

Earlier, on August 21, four orchard workers were reportedly killed and three others wounded in a suspected drone strike in the Gaith area of Khadkocha, Mastung.

On August 12, more than 20 people, including women and children, were reportedly killed or injured in Gidar Goandhan, Surab, following what was described as a Pakistani airstrike on residential areas.

Pakistan’s military rejected that account, stating that militants preparing a vehicle-borne explosive device were killed when it detonated prematurely. The military further said that subsequent explosions resulted in civilian casualties.

However, residents and rights groups have rejected the military’s version of events and maintained that the casualties were caused by an airstrike.

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Baloch Liberation Army And Baloch Republican Guard Claim Deadly Convoy And Lithium Site Attack

Balochistan witnessed a fresh escalation of violence as both the Baloch Liberation Army (BLA) and the Baloch Republican Guards (BRG) claimed responsibility for a series of coordinated operations across Lasbela, Jiwani, Mashkel and Kachhi.

The reported incidents included a deadly attack on a Pakistani military convoy, the killing of four individuals allegedly linked to Military Intelligence, the destruction of equipment at a lithium exploration site, and road blockades in Kachhi district.

The BLA stated that its Fateh Squad targeted a convoy belonging to the Pakistani military’s 15 FF Bomb Disposal Party in the Kashari area of Wallapat, Lasbela. The attack began with an improvised explosive device blast against a military vehicle, followed by direct firing.

The group claimed that two vehicles were completely destroyed and two others severely damaged. According to the BLA, nine military personnel were killed and more than eleven wounded, including members of the Light Engineering Battalion and 15 FF.

Pakistani officials confirmed the incident but reported lower casualties, stating that four security personnel, including a Naib Subedar and two Levies personnel, were killed, while seven others, including a civilian, were injured. Authorities withheld further details.

The BLA further claimed responsibility for what it described as an intelligence-based operation in Jiwani. During this action, four individuals allegedly associated with the Pakistani military and Military Intelligence were killed.

The group also announced that its fighters seized control of a lithium exploration site in Mashkel. During the raid, four drilling machines and five vehicles were set ablaze. Employees of the company were reportedly detained but later released after being warned.

The BLA reiterated its opposition to lithium exploration and mining projects in Balochistan, warning both local and international companies against involvement. It declared that lithium extraction and exploration would be treated as legitimate targets under its strategy of “economic blockade”.

Meanwhile, the BRG confirmed that its fighters carried out road blockades and snap-checking operations at several points in Kachhi district. Vehicles were stopped and checked, while patrols were conducted in the area.

The BRG stated that no state personnel were encountered during the operations but claimed responsibility for the activities. Both organisations emphasised that such actions would continue until what they described as the liberation of Balochistan.

The targeting of lithium exploration sites highlights the growing intersection between insurgency and resource politics in the region. Lithium, considered a critical mineral for global energy transition, has drawn increasing interest from international companies.

The BLA’s explicit opposition to such projects signals a strategy to disrupt economic initiatives that it perceives as exploitative. This adds a new dimension to the insurgency, linking armed resistance with resource nationalism.

The Pakistani authorities have yet to release comprehensive details of the convoy attack or the lithium site incident. However, the claims by both groups underscore the persistence of insurgent activity across Balochistan, with operations ranging from direct military engagements to economic sabotage.

The emphasis on road blockades and snap-checking also reflects attempts to assert control over local mobility and logistics.

The BLA and BRG’s statements reaffirm their commitment to continuing armed operations until their stated objective of an independent Balochistan is achieved. The incidents further illustrate the complexity of the conflict, where military, economic and political dimensions are increasingly intertwined.

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Baloch Liberation Army Claims 28 Operations, Reports 52 Pakistani Personnel Killed Across Balochistan

The Baloch Liberation Army has claimed responsibility for 28 operations across Balochistan between 1 and 7 September, stating that 52 Pakistani military personnel were killed and several others injured. The group also confirmed that 12 of its fighters were killed during clashes with Pakistani forces. These claims were reported by The Balochistan Post on X.

The operations were said to have taken place in Pasni, Kharan, Kalat, Turbat, Mastung, Surab, Tump, Pishin, Jhal Magsi, Noshki, Chagai and Quetta. The BLA described the attacks as part of its ongoing campaign against Pakistani forces and infrastructure projects it considers exploitative.

According to the statement, the first operation occurred on 1 September at Zero Point in Pasni, Gwadar. BLA fighters attacked a joint police and Levies post along with checkpoints belonging to Customs and the Coastal Police. The group claimed it seized weapons and military equipment, took control of the checkpoints, and later set them on fire, destroying the posts.

The BLA also reported an ambush on a Pakistani military convoy at Albat in Kharan and an attack on personnel transporting armoured vehicles at Garari in Kalat. It claimed that several personnel were killed or injured and three armoured vehicles were severely damaged.

On 2 September, the group said its fighters targeted a Pakistani military armoured vehicle with an improvised explosive device at Guro in Mastung’s Khadkocha area. The convoy was then ambushed, with the BLA claiming four personnel were killed and more than seven injured.

On 3 September, the BLA’s Special Tactical Operations Squad carried out an attack in Hajika, Surab, using an explosives-laden vehicle against a Pakistani military convoy. The group claimed one military vehicle was destroyed and seven personnel were killed.

The Fateh Squad of the BLA was reported to have attacked Pakistani forces at Ziarat Cross in Pishin. The group claimed 18 personnel were killed and five injured, while two vehicles were destroyed. Weapons and military equipment were also seized.

Further attacks were claimed in Tump, Mastung, Kalat and Jhal Magsi. The BLA also said it was responsible for the killings of Abdul Rehman Langove, described as the Noshki district president of the Balochistan Awami Party, and Rehmat Saeed in Quetta. The group accused both of working as operatives for Pakistani forces.

The statement additionally referred to clashes at Nokchah in Chagai on 31 August. The BLA claimed 16 Pakistani military personnel, including a senior officer, were killed, while 10 of its fighters also died in the fighting.

The group reiterated its stance that its “economic blockade” against Pakistani forces and projects would continue on major highways across Balochistan. It pledged to sustain armed operations until the establishment of what it described as an independent and sovereign Balochistan.

These casualty figures and claims were reported by The Balochistan Post and attributed to the BLA. Independent verification of the group’s claims remains difficult due to restricted access to conflict zones in Balochistan.

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Balochistan: Who’s In Control?

A BLA attack killed 25 Pakistani soldiers in a deadly coordinated twin attack on 6-Sep-2026

by Nilesh Kunwar

Bloody Friday

With Sarmachars (Guerillas) of the Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA) carrying out two successful attacks, Friday turned out to be a particularly bad day for the Pakistani security forces. In the first incident that occurred at Ziarat Cross, BLA freedom fighters belonging to its Fateh Squad ambushed a Frontier Corps (FC) convoy in broad daylight killing 18 soldiers and destroying two vehicles. In videos released by BLA, its Sarmachars can be seen targeting the vehicles which are ablaze.

The second incident took place in Hajika, Surab where BLA’s Special Tactical Operations Squad (STOS) triggered a remote controlled improvised explosive device (RCIED) killing seven Pakistani soldiers and completely destroying their vehicle. Losing 25 soldiers in a single day belies Pakistan army’s repeated claims that not only is the situation in Balochistan under control, but also that due to the security forces’ complete control over the area, Baloch fighters are on the back-foot.

Pak Army Hits Backs

Soon after the Friday killings, Pakistan army’s media wing Inter Services Public Relations (ISPR) claimed that the Pakistan army had carried out several intelligence based operations targeting hideouts in Mastung, Quetta, Sibi and Kalat districts of Balochistan. In these operations 48 fighters armed Baloch groups and Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) terrorists were reportedly killed which is definitely commendable, if true.

However, while the Pakistan army may view the elimination of nearly 50 Baloch fighters as redemption of sorts, unfortunately it doesn’t come as any consolation for the bereaved family members of the dead soldiers. Au contraire, this incident once again throws up some very disturbing questions that need to be answered honestly, the first being, who is in actual control of Balochistan?

Secondly, why is it that after every incident in which security forces suffer major loss of lives, the Pakistan army is able to neutralise nearly double the number of soldiers killed(or at times even more), number of terrorists) in IBO’s, and that too within just 24 to 72 hours? But more on this later…

Thirdly, if the Pakistan army’s spy agency Inter Services Intelligence (ISI) can generate such accurate intelligence regarding location of armed fighters so quickly, why can’t it be proactive and undertake such IBO’s before its rank and file are attacked and decimated?

Director General (DG) of ISPR Lt Gen Ahmed Sharif Chaudhry maintains that it’s the Pakistan army but deliberate attempts were being made to create a perception that the situation in Balochistan was deteriorating.

In July end, he boasted that “The way the kinetic prong of the counter-terrorism is maturing, responding and delivering, that is before you,” and provided details of military operations in Balochistan. However, rather than providing answers, his confused narrative has only raised more questions.

According to DGISPR, during the period January to July this year, security forces carried out more than 31,000 intelligence based operations (IBOs) in Balochistan, and this province recorded 1,148 incidents of clashes with armed Baloch fighters.

As these translate to an average of 164 incidents per month, or nearly six every day, it’s amply clear that the “kinetic prong” of counter-terrorism operations hasn’t really been as effective as DGISPR would like us to believe.

So what’s the truth?

Numbers Game

The Pakistan army has always been a law unto itself in Balochistan. However, after seeing a perceptible rise in its brutality against innocent civilians and indiscriminate surge in enforced disappearances and extra judicial killings it’s apparent that security forces in Balochistan have been given a carte blanche by Field Marshal Asim Munir. This isn’t a speculation but an inference backed by statistics.

Field Marshal Munir became army chief in November 2022 and as such it would be fair to analyse the efficacy of his counter-terrorism policy from 2023 onwards. Data compiled by South Asia Terrorism Portal indicates that the number of armed Baloch fighters claimed to have been killed by Pakistani forces show an incremental (125 in 2023, 186 in 2024, 436 in 2025 and 948 till September 5, 2026), which is a positive.

However, fatalities amongst Pakistani security forces and law enforcement agencies too have risen significantly (186 in 2023, 315 in 2024, 751 in 2025, and 660 till September 2026).

Despite repeated claims of extraordinary success in counter-terrorism operations and normalcy, the reality is that Pakistani security forces have not been able to get the situation in Balochistan under control. So, it has conveniently changed the narrative by trying to convince the public that success in counter-terrorism operations should not be measured in terms of reduction in terrorism related incidents but by comparing fatalities suffered by Pakistani security forces vis-à-vis those of Sarmachars.

This has been acknowledged by Lt Gen Chaudhary’s perverse boast that “in 2025, for every martyr we were taking out minimum two (terrorists) and this year, we are taking out minimum 2.5 (terrorists).” 

Isn’t this an irrefutable proof that counting body bags is Rawalpindi’s sole criteria for counter-terrorism performance? This brings us back to the earlier mentioned question-how does the Pakistan army manage to kill Baloch fighters in such large numbers after every major attack on its troops, and that too almost immediately?

Here again, one doesn’t have to look too far because a DGISPR has himself provided the answer. Readers would recall that during a media interaction session in 2019. When asked about enforced disappearances in Balochistan, the then DGISPR Maj Gen Asif Ghafoor nonchalantly replied, “We don’t wish that anyone should be missing. But when it is war, you have to do a lot of things- as they say, all is fair in love and war; war is very ruthless.”

Coming from horse’s mouth, isn’t this revelation an incontrovertible confirmation that the Pakistan army routinely indulges in enforced disappearances? And so, isn’t it obvious that this vile practice has tacit approval of Rawalpindi? It’s no secret that the Pakistani security forces routinely present corpses of Baloch youth who had been forcibly disappeared earlier as those of armed fighters killed in encounters.

After the 2025 Jaffar Express attack, BLA published the particulars of 13 of its fighters along with their photos who had been killed in this operation. However, ISPR claimed that 33 BLA fighters had been killed, and a week after the incident 23 corpses were dumped in Quetta Civil Hospital.

That the locals weren’t allowed to identify and claim the dead bodies and the secret burial of 13 unidentified corpses in Quetta’s Kasi Graveyard in the dead of the night by policemen clearly indicates that the deceased were victims of enforced disappearance who had been extra-judicially executed and passed off as BLA fighters killed in operations.

Mention of Pakistani security forces orchestrating enforced disappearances and committing extra-judicial executions has even been recorded by Human Rights Watch (HRW) in its 2019 World Report on Pakistan. Facing severe criticism for killing innocent people and passing them off as Baloch fighters, the Pakistan army has found a cunning way out- presenting the dead as Baloch fighters.

Family members are now being coerced into holding press conferences to publicly disown their missing relatives and even falsely label them as active fighters of proscribed groups or their supporters. That’s the reason why Lt Gen Chaudhary has the confidence to publicly declare that Baloch fighters “commit terrorism, get killed, and then they turn out to be on the very list of missing persons that they created. The data for both matches completely.”

In its reply to ISPR’s claim of having eliminated nine Baloch fighters after a serving Lt Col was abducted and killed by its fighters, BLA made it clear that it “takes utmost pride in its struggle and the martyrdom of our comrades during this struggle… (and) announces all martyrdom of its members with great glory and honour. If any of our freedom fighters had lost their lives in this successful operation, we would have taken pride in making it public and paying rich tributes to them.”

On the one hand we have the security forces secretly burying unidentified bodies at night, while on the other hand we find BLA openly honouring their fallen comrades by posting their names and photos on its website. Who to believe is left to the reader.

How “Soon”?

It was in April 2025 that Field Marshal Munir assured those attending the Overseas Pakistanis Convention in Islamabad that he would “beat the hell” out of the armed Baloch fighter groups “very soon.” More than a year has since elapsed, but the inordinately high casualty figures of security force personnel reveal that despite the field marshal’s assurance to “beat the hell” out of them “very soon,” armed Baloch groups are neither down nor out.

Will the field marshal therefore care to clarify as to how soon will be his “very soon”?

Nilesh Kunwar is a retired Indian Army Officer who has served in Jammu & Kashmir, Assam, Nagaland and Manipur. He is a keen ‘Kashmir-Watcher,’ and after retirement is pursuing his favourite hobby of writing for newspapers, journals and think-tanks. Views expressed above are the author's own

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25 Pakistani Soldiers Killed In Deadly Ambush In Balochistan

The Balochistan Liberation Army claimed responsibility for killing 25 Pakistani army personnel in two separate attacks, marking one of the deadliest escalations in the province in recent months.

The group released a cinematic-style video through its media outlet Hakkal, showing explosions, gunfire, and a Pakistani military truck engulfed in flames. The footage also depicted fighters standing near burning vehicles and seizing weapons from damaged trucks, with bodies lying on the ground.

On Friday, the BLA stated that 18 Pakistani personnel were killed when its Fateh Squad ambushed a military convoy at Ziarat Cross, destroying two vehicles. Five others were injured but managed to escape.

This ambush was described as one of the most brazen attacks carried out by Baloch separatists in recent times.

The Fateh Squad, an elite combat unit specialising in guerrilla warfare and ambushes in Balochistan’s mountainous terrain, has previously been linked to high-profile operations, including the hijacking of the Jaffar Express in March 2025.

In a separate incident in Hajika, Surab, the BLA claimed that its Special Tactical Operations Squad (STOS) executed a remote-controlled vehicle-borne blast, killing seven Pakistani soldiers.

These casualty figures have not been independently verified, and Pakistan has not released official details of the attacks. However, videos circulating on social media show bodies of Pakistani soldiers being sent to their families discreetly under the cover of darkness.

The BLA has intensified its campaign in recent months. Last month, it claimed responsibility for 36 operations across different regions, killing over 33 personnel. The scale of violence has revived memories of the group’s ‘Operation Herof’ in 2024, during which it targeted key transportation infrastructure, including sections of the Karachi-Quetta highway and a railway station in Mastung. That operation resulted in the deaths of over 25 Pakistani soldiers and left dozens injured.

Pakistan’s military responded swiftly to the latest attacks, claiming to have killed nearly 50 militants during raids on hideouts in Mastung, Sibi, Quetta, and Kalat.

The army stated that those killed belonged to outlawed groups, including the Baloch Liberation Army and Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP). These tit-for-tat strikes highlight the surge in violence in Balochistan, Pakistan’s largest province, which has been plagued by insurgency for decades.

The broader resurgence of violence has seen the BLA and other insurgent groups intensify attacks against Pakistani military installations and convoys. For decades, Baloch groups have accused Pakistan of human rights violations, including enforced disappearances and crackdowns on political activists. 

The province, which shares a long border with Afghanistan, has remained a focal point of separatist demands for greater autonomy or independence.

The recent escalation underscores the growing intensity of the conflict, with both sides engaging in increasingly lethal operations.

The BLA’s use of specialised units such as the Fateh Squad and STOS reflects its evolving tactics, while Pakistan’s military response demonstrates its determination to suppress the insurgency despite mounting criticism over its handling of the crisis.

Agencies

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Pakistan’s Legal Coup: Sleepwalking Toward Martial Rule Number Five

Asim Munir has achieved what no Pakistani general before him managed without tanks or decrees, FirstPost reported.

Through the Defence Forces Act and the amended National Command Authority Act, passed by parliament on August 20, he now holds unified command over the Army, Navy and Air Force.

He possesses the authority to hire, fire and retire officers at will, controls the nuclear command structure through a loyal appointee, and sits permanently as the Prime Minister’s chief military adviser.

This consolidation of power was not seized by force but handed over legally, with parliament signing away prerogatives that Ayub Khan, Zia-ul-Haq and Pervez Musharraf had to wrest through coups.

Munir’s position is further strengthened by lifetime immunity from prosecution, secured through the 27th amendment last November. This has created a form of martial law without the formal declaration of martial law.

No unconstitutional act exists for courts, allies or the public to challenge. Unlike past military rulers, whose legitimacy eroded over time because their initial seizure of power was unlawful, Munir has removed that vulnerability. His authority is now embedded in law, making reversal far more difficult.

Pakistan’s history of coups has followed a familiar script: suspension of the constitution, rule by decree, and eventual handover under pressure. Munir’s ascent breaks that pattern. He has amassed more power than any of his predecessors held on their first day in office, but without the stigma of illegality. This inversion is what makes the current moment unprecedented and deeply consequential.

Externally, Munir has sought validation through rapid defence diplomacy in the Gulf. Within days, Pakistan signed a defence pact with Kuwait on August 27, following the Mecca agreement with Saudi Arabia and Turkey.

These agreements are less about strategic depth and more about optics. Pakistan’s military has long sold training and manpower to Gulf monarchies, but the pace of recent deals is striking.

At a time when domestic legitimacy is weakest, photographs of Munir alongside Gulf defence ministers allow Rawalpindi to project international respectability. It signals to Pakistanis that the military remains a serious actor abroad, even as unrest spreads at home.

Domestically, three provinces are simultaneously aflame. Sindh has joined Balochistan and Pakistan-occupied Kashmir in open protest. This convergence is alarming. Sindh was the province that formally backed Pakistan’s creation in the 1940s, when Punjab’s political class was still undecided. Its current rebellion is not a minor uprising but a warning reminiscent of East Pakistan before 1971.

Balochistan’s insurgency has already forced the army into judicial concessions it resisted. In PoK, thousands of Rangers were required to suppress a single march. Islamabad is now considering constitutional changes to grant interim provincial status to Gilgit-Baltistan and PoK. This move would formalise Pakistan’s hold over occupied territory precisely when its grip appears weakest.

The grievances fuelling these fires are varied—water shortages, land disputes, demands for provincial autonomy—but they converge on the same conclusion: the state’s writ is thinning. The army chief’s personal authority may be growing, but the legitimacy of the state itself is eroding faster.

Munir’s legal coup has created a paradox. He holds absolute power, yet faces provinces in revolt. The absence of tanks on the streets does not mean Pakistan is stable. Instead, it suggests the country may be sleepwalking into a fifth coup—one that requires no coup at all.

Agencies

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Baloch Liberation Army Ambush Military Convoy, 13 Soldiers Killed And Multiple Vehicles Destroyed In Mastung

The Baloch Liberation Army has claimed responsibility for a major attack on a Pakistani military convoy in Mastung district, stating that 13 soldiers were killed and at least 10 injured.

According to spokesperson Jeeyand Baloch, the group’s fighters destroyed an armoured vehicle with an improvised explosive device in Khadkocha on the night of 22 August, before ambushing another armoured vehicle and accompanying vehicles.

The BLA said its Special Tactical Operations Squad carried out the operation.

Local sources confirmed that one armoured vehicle was destroyed in the explosion and another damaged. They added that armed fighters subsequently ambushed the convoy, causing further damage to another military vehicle.

Regional sources reported that the bodies of two soldiers and eight injured personnel were taken to Nawab Ghaus Bakhsh Raisani Memorial Hospital in Mastung, while other injured personnel were airlifted to the Combined Military Hospital in Quetta. Pakistani authorities have not released official casualty figures.

Following the attack, the Balochistan Home Department imposed an indefinite curfew in Khadkocha and surrounding areas from 7 AM on 23 August. Residents were ordered to remain indoors, with movement on roads and in markets suspended. Officials said the measure was necessary due to security concerns and ongoing operations in the area.

The BLA also claimed responsibility for a separate attack in Hairabad, Turbat, on 23 August, stating that three soldiers were killed and three injured.

Officials confirmed that an FC road search team was attacked but reported only three injuries. They said six armed men on motorcycles threw a grenade and opened fire before fleeing when FC personnel returned fire.

The BLA further claimed eight other operations in Noshki, Kalat, Kharan, Washuk, Zehri and Chagai, promising more details in its weekly statement. Local sources emphasised that Khadkocha has become a persistent challenge for security forces, recalling a major attack in the same area on 17 July when a convoy of more than 18 buses and security vehicles travelling from Quetta towards Karachi was targeted. The BLA had claimed responsibility for that incident as well, alleging dozens of casualties.

In a separate incident on 22 August, a bridge on the N-25 national highway between Anjeeri Cross near Khadkocha was destroyed in an explosion. Authorities said unidentified individuals targeted the bridge with explosives, though no casualties were reported

Officials did not immediately provide details on the extent of the damage or its impact on traffic along the highway, which is a key route connecting Balochistan with Karachi and other regions. This was the third reported bridge attack within a week.

On 21 August, a bridge in the Zidi area of Khuzdar was destroyed in an explosion, while earlier a bridge on the Kharan–Karachi highway in the Sotagan area of Kharan was demolished using heavy machinery. No group has claimed responsibility for the bridge attacks.

The Mastung ambush highlights the growing intensity of insurgent operations in Balochistan, with the BLA continuing to target military convoys, infrastructure and security personnel.

The imposition of curfews and repeated attacks on strategic road links underscore the deteriorating security environment in the province, where insurgent groups are increasingly challenging state authority.

Agencies

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China And Turkey Arm Pakistan: Resupply Mission Or Prelude To Round Two?

Heavy Chinese and Turkish military transport aircraft conducted repeated flights into Pakistan’s Nur Khan and Masroor airbases over a compressed 60‑hour period, a movement that security sources describe as highly unusual.

According to a report published by Firstpost, the cargo itself has not been independently verified, but sources point to drones and other military materiel. The choice of Nur Khan, located near Rawalpindi and minutes from Pakistan’s military headquarters, and Masroor, one of the country’s largest bases with reach over the Arabian Sea, underscores the strategic nature of the deliveries.

These are not locations where suppliers typically send low‑priority cargo. The timing coincides with the signing of the Mecca Joint Defence Agreement between Pakistan, Turkey and Saudi Arabia, a pact that commits all three to mutual defence, officially described as defensive in nature.

China and Turkey remain Pakistan’s most reliable arms suppliers, a relationship that deepened during last year’s conflict. Army deputy chief Lt Gen Rahul Singh has stated that China provided Pakistan with live satellite inputs during Operation Sindoor, and that 81 percent of Pakistan’s military hardware is now of Chinese origin.

This dependence ties Islamabad’s force posture directly to Beijing’s willingness to maintain the supply chain. Turkish Baykar and Asisguard drones also saw combat in the same conflict. What makes this episode stand out is not the supplier list but the compressed timeline.

A steady trickle of shipments over months would suggest routine replenishment. A concentrated surge over 60 hours across two sensitive airbases suggests urgent restocking, the kind of movement reserved for depleted war stocks or closing a capability gap quickly.

Militaries rarely compress deliveries into such a narrow window without a compelling reason. One explanation is straightforward depletion. Pakistan may have expended drones and precision munitions faster than expected during recent internal operations in Balochistan and along the Afghan frontier.

An accelerated resupply would align with simply running low. A second possibility is more pointed. Islamabad may be pre‑positioning stock ahead of a contingency, replenishing drones and precision‑strike systems that performed unevenly during Operation Sindoor. The urgency of the movement suggests a deliberate effort to rebuild specific capabilities.

The broader diplomatic context makes the second explanation harder to dismiss. The airlift occurred in a week where Pakistan faced setbacks on multiple fronts. US Ambassador Sergio Gor, during his first visit to Jammu and Kashmir, described it as “an important part of India,” abandoning decades of careful hedging.

Islamabad responded by summoning the US Charge d’Affaires within hours. Pakistan‑occupied Kashmir has been under sustained protest for two months, forcing Islamabad to postpone legislative elections in Sudhnoti and Rawalakot due to security concerns.

Balochistan marked its own contested “independence day” on 11 August, with an insurgency serious enough to trigger a rare judicial commission on the army’s conduct. Discovery Channel India’s documentary on Operation Sindoor drew an immediate rebuttal from Pakistan’s ISPR the same night, a sign of insecurity about its narrative.

Pakistan’s military has a documented pattern of external confrontation when domestic ground is slipping. The Kargil intrusion followed a period of internal weakness, as did several sharp escalations along the Line of Control in the 2000s and 2010s.

A force quietly rebuilding its drone and precision‑strike inventory in the same week its diplomatic corps is fighting rear guard actions on Kashmir, PoK, Balochistan and its own war record is not, by itself, proof of an operation being planned.

Yet the combination of capability, motive and deteriorating bilateral relations has preceded Pakistani miscalculation before.

The compressed airlift therefore signals more than routine logistics. It reflects either urgent replenishment of depleted stocks or preparation for contingencies that Islamabad may be considering as its domestic and diplomatic pressures mount.

Agencies

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Baloch Leader Extends Independence Day Greetings To PM Modi, Calls Pakistan’s I-Day A Black Day

A day after urging the global Baloch population to mark Pakistan’s Independence Day as a “Black Day,” Baloch leader Mir Yar Baloch extended warm greetings to Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the people of India on the nation’s 80th Independence Day.

In his message, Mir Yar Baloch highlighted the historic, civilizational, and spiritual bonds between India and Balochistan. He offered to open Balochistan’s seaports for trade with India to support the “Make in India” program, emphasising that such cooperation could help propel India toward becoming the world’s second-largest economy.

He expressed heartfelt congratulations on behalf of the Republic of Balochistan, describing the occasion as sacred and proud. Paying tribute to Indian freedom fighters including Mahatma Gandhi, Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose, Bhagat Singh, Chandrashekhar Azad, Rani Lakshmibai, and Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, he said their immortal sacrifices continue to inspire nations striving for justice and self-determination.

Mir Yar Baloch pointed to the ancient Hinglaj Mata Temple in Balochistan, describing it as a sacred symbol of India’s spiritual connection with the region, binding both nations together for centuries.

Taking aim at Islamabad, he urged the international community to challenge Pakistan’s narrative, asserting that Pakistan lacked any legal, diplomatic, political, or moral proof of Balochistan’s incorporation. He warned that allowing Pakistan to thrive would be tantamount to grave diplomatic and political suicide.

He pitched strong economic and strategic ties with New Delhi, stressing that India’s economic growth targets could be accelerated through partnership with Balochistan. He praised Prime Minister Modi’s vision of making India the world’s third-largest economy and said Balochistan could give wings to this dream.

He proposed opening Balochistan’s seaports for Indian trade and providing a large market for goods produced under the Make in India program. He added that minerals entrusted to the Baloch nation could bring an economic revolution to the region.

By expelling Pakistan from Balochistan, he argued, the rogue state would be deprived of trillions of dollars worth of minerals, preventing it from funding terrorism in Kashmir or unrest in the wider region.

Just a day earlier, Mir Yar Baloch had called on six crore Baloch people worldwide to observe Pakistan’s Independence Day on August 14 as a “Black Day.” He urged them to hoist black flags and wear black armbands to signal rejection of Pakistani rule. His condemnation followed Pakistani military airstrikes in Surab that reportedly left dozens of civilians dead and injured.

Earlier today, Prime Minister Modi hoisted the National Flag at the Red Fort in New Delhi. The ceremony was synchronised with a 21-gun salute by the 1721 Field Battery (Ceremonial), marking the nation’s 80th Independence Day celebrations.

ANI

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Protests Erupt In Balochistan After Pakistani Airstrike Reportedly Kills 20 Plus Civilians

Protests erupted in Surab following reports that a Pakistani military airstrike in the Gidar Goandhan area killed more than twenty people and injured at least sixteen others.

The aerial attack, carried out on Tuesday, caused civilian casualties, including women and children.

Local residents and police transported the injured and the bodies of those killed to the District Headquarters Hospital in Surab, where the wounded were receiving treatment. Some residents claimed that the actual number of fatalities could be higher than initially reported.

At the time of the report, Pakistani military or security authorities had not issued any official statement confirming the incident or the casualties.

In the aftermath, relatives of the victims and local residents placed the bodies on the N‑25 Quetta‑Karachi highway at Surab’s main square and launched a sit‑in protest. The demonstration brought traffic to a standstill, with long lines of vehicles forming on both sides of the road.

Protesters declared they would continue the sit‑in until their demands were met. The incident drew condemnation from political and civil society organisations, adding to the mounting criticism of military operations in Balochistan.

The Baloch Yakjehti Committee condemned the reported airstrike, voicing concern over the deaths of civilians, including women and children, and demanding accountability. In its statement, the organisation described the bombing of a populated area as an act of state violence.

According to the Committee, the strike was being organised to protest the airstrike and the reported killing of civilians. The group appealed to traders, political activists, civil society representatives, and residents across Balochistan to join the shutdown.

Sardar Akhtar Mengal, leader of the Balochistan National Party‑Mengal, questioned the reported targeting of civilians and children in comments shared on social media. Referring to photographs of the victims, he asked whether children could be labelled militants and whether peace could ever be achieved by killing them.

Lawyer and political commentator Sajid Tareen Advocate also responded to the reports on X, calling claims that twenty‑seven people, including women and children, were killed in the airstrike tragic. He expressed solidarity with the families affected by the incident.

The protests in Surab highlight the growing anger among Baloch citizens over repeated military actions that have resulted in civilian deaths.

The sit‑in on the highway symbolises both grief and defiance, as communities demand recognition of their suffering and accountability from the state. The silence of the authorities has only deepened resentment, while political voices and civil society groups continue to amplify calls for justice.

The incident adds to the long history of Balochistan’s struggle against military repression, resource exploitation, and denial of basic rights, fuelling demands for dignity and autonomy.

ANI

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PAF JF‑17s Rain Seven Bombs On Balochistan’s Surab; 30 Plus Civilians Dead; Scores Injured

Pakistan’s military under Asim Munir has once again unleashed brutal force against the citizens in Balochistan who is seeking freedom from Pakistani occupation, News18 reported.

The latest atrocity unfolded in Surab district’s Goandhan village, where an airstrike at midnight turned a celebration of independence into a massacre. On the very night when Baloch citizens were rejoicing with flags and slogans of freedom, JF-17 fighter jets descended like predators, raining explosives on sleeping families.

The devastation left 28 civilians dead, including nine children, seven women, and twelve men, while more than seventeen others were pulled out of rubble with severe injuries. The death toll is expected to rise further as many remain in critical condition.

Eyewitnesses described the horror as houses collapsed into heaps of mud and concrete, burying bodies beneath debris. Survivors clawed through ruins with bare hands, searching for loved ones, while the Pakistani administration maintained complete silence.

The brutality was not limited to aerial bombardment; local sources revealed that soldiers encircled the area before and after the strikes, subjecting civilians to torture. This pattern reflects a long-standing military program in Balochistan, where enforced disappearances, torture cells, and staged encounters have become routine. The midnight bombing, however, marks a chilling escalation, showing the army’s descent into sheer savagery.

The timing of the attack underscores Munir’s fury at the growing defiance of Baloch citizens. Just a day earlier, the province had witnessed widespread celebrations of independence from Pakistan, with streets filled by flags and chants against Islamabad’s rule.

This open defiance rattled Munir, who reportedly gave his forces free rein to crush the spirit of rebellion. The airstrike was thus not a tactical operation but a calculated act of vengeance, designed to instil fear and silence the voices of freedom.

The roots of Balochistan’s rebellion lie in decades of exploitation and neglect. Despite being rich in natural gas, gold, copper, and other minerals, the province remains mired in poverty, unemployment, and lack of basic facilities. Locals accuse the Pakistani state of plundering their resources while offering nothing in return but repression.

The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) has further alienated the population, as mega projects bypass local communities and benefit outsiders. The military’s heavy-handed tactics—abductions, torture, and killings—have only deepened resentment, fuelling insurgent groups and strengthening the demand for separation.

The aftermath in Goandhan village is one of utter ruin. Broken homes, scattered belongings, and lifeless bodies pulled from rubble paint a grim picture of Pakistan’s war against its own people. The silence of the authorities adds insult to injury, leaving survivors to grieve alone.

For Balochistan, this massacre is not an isolated incident but part of a larger struggle for dignity, identity, and control over its own resources. The midnight airstrike has become a symbol of Munir’s desperation to crush a movement that refuses to die.

Agencies

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