Khawaja Asif Links Operation Sindoor To Mecca Defence Pact, Brings India Into Focus

Pakistan’s Defence Minister Khawaja Asif has directly linked Operation Sindoor to the newly signed Mecca Joint Defence Agreement, framing it within a broader regional security context, according to a report in Republic World.

His remarks have drawn India and its growing ties with Afghanistan into the spotlight, raising questions about how this trilateral pact could reshape future confrontations.

Pakistan’s Defence Minister Khawaja Asif has connected Operation Sindoor to the Mecca Joint Defence Agreement signed between Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and Turkey. While the three countries describe the pact as defensive, Asif’s comments have introduced India into the equation, particularly in relation to its expanding cooperation with Afghanistan.

The Mecca Joint Defence Agreement stipulates that an armed attack against any one of the three signatories will be treated as an attack against all.

This provision has drawn comparisons with NATO’s Article 5, though the pact does not explicitly detail the nature of military assistance or operational commitments. Analysts note that the ambiguity leaves room for interpretation in the event of a crisis.

Asif’s linkage of Operation Sindoor to the pact is significant. Operation Sindoor was India’s cross-border strike against Pakistan-backed militant infrastructure, carried out in 2025 after the Pahalgam terror attack.

During that confrontation, Pakistan received diplomatic and limited military support from Turkey and China. By tying the operation to the new agreement, Asif has suggested that future Indian actions could trigger collective responses under the pact.

The trilateral agreement was signed in Mecca on 7 August 2026 by Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and Pakistan’s Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif.

It builds upon the Strategic Mutual Defence Agreement signed between Saudi Arabia and Pakistan in 2025, extending the framework to include Turkey. The pact was formalised amid the ongoing Iran war and escalating hostilities across West Asia, including attacks on Saudi infrastructure by Iranian proxies.

Turkey has hinted that the grouping could expand beyond three countries, with Egypt mentioned as a possible addition. Such an expansion would mark the emergence of a new regional security equation, potentially creating what some analysts describe as an “Islamic NATO.” This would institutionalise collective defence among key Muslim-majority states, reducing reliance on external powers such as the United States.

Saudi Arabia’s motivation stems from repeated strikes on its oil facilities and critical infrastructure, while Turkey’s involvement reflects its growing defence industry and NATO experience. Pakistan contributes manpower and longstanding military ties with Riyadh, including deployments of troops and air defence systems in the kingdom.

For India, the implications are complex. While the pact is officially defensive and not directed against any specific country, Asif’s remarks have brought India into focus. Questions arise over whether future Indian operations similar to Sindoor would be considered an “armed attack” under the pact, compelling Saudi Arabia and Turkey to respond. Analysts caution, however, that the agreement’s vague wording does not guarantee automatic military intervention.

The pact also intersects with India’s growing ties with Afghanistan, where New Delhi has invested heavily in infrastructure and security cooperation. Asif has alleged that Indian-backed elements operating from Afghanistan drive terrorist activities against Pakistan, further complicating the regional picture.

The evolving situation underscores the shifting balance of power in West Asia. With Iran, Israel and the United States already locked in confrontation, the Mecca Agreement adds a new layer of collective defence among Sunni-majority states. For India, this development demands close scrutiny, as it could alter strategic calculations in any future conflict with Pakistan.

Agencies

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ISI’s Shifting Playbook: From Kashmir's Kulgam To A Foiled Delhi Plot

Punjab Police have dismantled two ISI-run terror modules and arrested nine individuals, including four minors, over a plot to attack Jantar Mantar during recent protests. One of the accused, Sukhman Singh, admitted to being in direct contact with a Pakistan-based handler.

The network traces back to Shahzad Bhatti, a Pakistani gangster-terrorist whose operatives had already been intercepted by Kolkata STF while running an almost identical plot against the same target. The repeat targeting points to a standing directive rather than a one-off cell, highlighting a deliberate strategy by handlers across the border.

The same weeks saw Kashmir absorb two attacks built on identical logic. On 22 July, Head Constable Ashiq Hussain was shot dead in Anantnag, marking the first attack on a policeman anywhere in the Valley this year.

Nine days later, terrorists killed two labourers from Chhattisgarh at a brick kiln in Kulgam. Neither incident required a trained infiltrator crossing the Line of Control. Both leaned on local operatives against targets chosen for their vulnerability rather than strategic value, underscoring a shift in tactics.

This shift aligns with developments on Pakistan’s own side of the border. Rawalpindi is grappling with an insurgency in Balochistan that it cannot contain, a protest movement in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir that it cannot suppress, and an economy that leaves little room for the kind of trained infiltration campaigns it once ran.

Moving an armed operative across a hardened LoC costs money and risks exposure that the Pakistan Army cannot easily absorb at present. By contrast, recruiting a minor over WhatsApp and using a jailed handler’s digital wallet costs almost nothing and leaves no direct state fingerprint. It is terrorism scaled down to match a shrinking budget and a leadership with fewer places left to hide its hand.

What connects Amritsar, Kolkata, Anantnag and Kulgam is the reliance on over-ground workers, local sympathisers and small-time recruits performing the legwork that infiltrators once did, all run remotely by handlers.

It is cheaper and more deniable, but it depends on OGW networks that Indian agencies have spent years mapping and infiltrating. Two modules with near-identical targets being rolled up before they could act, in two different cities, demonstrates the tactic’s own weakness.

A campaign built on cheap, disposable recruits is also a campaign built on recruits who talk, panic, or get flagged early. Pakistan may have found a cheaper way to keep trying, but it has not found a way to succeed.

Additional intelligence assessments suggest that ISI’s reliance on digital communication platforms such as WhatsApp and encrypted wallets is increasing, with handlers exploiting anonymity and low-cost recruitment methods.

However, Indian counter-terror agencies have strengthened surveillance of these channels, leading to early detection and disruption. Analysts note that the repeat targeting of Jantar Mantar, a symbolic protest site in Delhi, reflects an attempt to exploit domestic unrest for international propaganda, but the failure of both modules underscores the resilience of Indian security measures.

Agencies

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Asim Munir’s Disaster Management Gig Highlights Civil-Military Imbalance

Pakistan Army Chief Field Marshal Asim Munir’s recent involvement in disaster management has ignited widespread debate over the military’s growing role in civilian affairs.

His visit to the National Disaster Management Authority (NDMA) headquarters in Islamabad on 4 August 2026 was presented by the Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR) as a routine inspection of monsoon preparedness, but the optics of the event have fuelled public anger.

Munir was briefed on “Disaster Lens 2026,” a real-time monitoring platform tracking flood risks across the Jhelum, Chenab, Ravi, and Sutlej rivers, as well as flash flood warnings in Dera Ghazi Khan, Rajanpur, and northern Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.

He praised the NDMA’s technological capabilities and pledged full military support for rescue and rehabilitation operations. Yet, conspicuously absent were the prime minister, provincial chief ministers, and civilian climate officials who constitutionally hold responsibility for disaster risk reduction.

The backlash stems from concerns that the military is encroaching upon civilian domains. Pakistan’s 1973 Constitution, reinforced by the 18th Amendment, places disaster response and urban planning under civilian jurisdiction.

Citizens expressed frustration on social media, questioning why the army chief was presiding over matters reserved for elected representatives. Many saw this as further evidence that Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif’s government is overshadowed by General Headquarters in Rawalpindi.

The controversy is compounded by Pakistan’s deteriorating security environment. Data from the Pakistan Institute for Conflict and Security Studies (PICSS) shows that in the first seven months of 2026, 2,786 people were killed in terror-related incidents, including 434 security personnel. July alone saw 112 security officials killed, marking the deadliest month in years. Critics argue that the army’s focus should remain on counter-terrorism rather than weather forecasting and urban flood management.

Munir’s involvement in disaster management follows his participation in a July 2026 national conference on population control, co-chaired with Prime Minister Sharif. This has reinforced perceptions of the military’s expanding footprint in civilian governance.

Through the Special Investment Facilitation Council (SIFC), the military already wields influence over foreign investment, mining projects, corporate farming, and energy restructuring. Now, with roles in demography and disaster management, the military’s reach appears to be extending into nearly every civilian sphere.

The NDMA itself has long been criticised for its structural flaws. Established after the devastating 2010 floods, it was intended as a civilian-led institution. However, it has consistently been headed by serving or retired generals, undermining its technical capacity in climate science and urban engineering.

The 18th Amendment devolved disaster management powers to provinces, but coordination between military-led federal authorities and civilian provincial governments remains weak, perpetuating reliance on military deployments during crises.

This civil-military imbalance is unfolding against a backdrop of political instability and economic hardship. The disputed 2024 elections left opposition parties, led by Imran Khan’s PTI, questioning the legitimacy of the current government.

Meanwhile, Pakistanis are enduring painful IMF-mandated reforms, including higher electricity tariffs, new taxes, and reduced fuel subsidies. For citizens struggling with daily survival, the sight of the army chief managing civilian portfolios—from corporate farming to flood drainage—has deepened resentment and eroded trust in governance.

The episode underscores Pakistan’s enduring challenge: the military’s dominance in spheres constitutionally reserved for civilian leadership. As Munir’s disaster management role demonstrates, the boundaries between military and civilian authority continue to blur, raising questions about accountability, priorities, and the future of democratic governance in the country.

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UN Demands Accountability Over Crackdown On Peaceful Protestors In PoK

The United Nations has once again raised its voice over the deteriorating situation in Pakistan-occupied Jammu and Kashmir, stressing the urgent need for accountability in the wake of a violent crackdown on peaceful demonstrators.

Deputy Spokesperson for the UN Secretary-General, Farhan Haq, underscored that authorities must respect the fundamental right to peaceful protest and investigate any harm inflicted upon civilians.

Haq reiterated that the Secretary-General fully supports the work of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, Volker Turk, who had earlier expressed grave concern over escalating unrest in the region. He emphasised that if people have been harmed while exercising their right to peaceful assembly, accountability is non-negotiable.

The remarks come against the backdrop of Turk’s repeated appeals for calm and restraint ahead of the Legislative Assembly elections in PoK. The UN has confirmed that dozens of people, including both protesters and law enforcement personnel, have been killed since June during demonstrations linked to political unrest. Turk has demanded impartial investigations into all reported deaths, insisting that perpetrators must face justice irrespective of their affiliation.

The High Commissioner has also criticised Pakistan’s decision to ban the Jammu Kashmir Joint Awami Action Committee under anti-terrorism laws. The JKJAAC, comprising traders, transporters, students, lawyers and civil society activists, was outlawed on allegations of threatening public order.

Several of its leaders were arrested, raising alarm over violations of freedom of association and peaceful assembly. Turk has called for immediate access to legal counsel for detained leaders and full respect for due process and fair trial rights.

Concerns have also been raised over restrictions on internet access and foreign media coverage, which have severely curtailed the ability of citizens to communicate and share information. These blackouts have been described as disproportionate measures that undermine freedom of expression during a period of heightened tensions.

India has strongly condemned Pakistan’s actions, highlighting the stark contrast between Islamabad’s rhetoric and its brutal suppression of fundamental rights in PoK. Ministry of External Affairs spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal accused Pakistani forces of resorting to lethal violence, targeted killings and draconian bans to silence peaceful protests. He described such state-sponsored violence as exposing the hypocrisy of the Pakistani establishment.

Jaiswal further urged Pakistan to cease its orchestrated diplomatic theatre and instead take credible, verifiable and irreversible action against terror networks operating from its soil.

He demanded that Islamabad vacate all Indian territories under its illegal occupation, stressing that the world is not deceived by Pakistan’s attempts to mask its domestic turmoil.

Security forces in PoK have killed dozens of protesters since June 2026, while imposing internet blackouts and restricting foreign media access. The international community continues to press for accountability, with watchdogs and rights groups warning that Pakistan’s actions represent a grave violation of international human rights standards.

ANI

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‘Indian Hand’ in Pakistan Occupied Jammu & Kashmir Crisis?

by Nilesh Kunwar

The Real Exploitation

Every country has the sovereign right to amend its own constitution, that’s what New Delhi did on August 5, 2019, when it abrogated Article 370 of the Indian constitution, a temporary provision that provided special status to the people of Jammu and Kashmir (J&K).

Surprisingly, despite being India’s internal matter, Pakistan vociferously objected to and even sought UNSC intervention on this issue, but ended up eating crow as its bizarre claim that Article 370 abrogation was tantamount to violation of UNSC resolutions on Kashmir found no takers.

However, Pakistan has continued to put up a brave face, and referring to August 5 as 'Youm-e-Istehsal' (Day of Exploitation) orchestrated public protests in Pakistan occupied Jammu and Kashmir (PoK) on this day every year. This year too, August 5 witnessed massive protests in PoK, but this time the reason was entirely different-the people weren’t protesting against Article 370 abrogation by New Delhi but against their own institutionalised marginalisation and oppression by Islamabad and the army respectively.

The ongoing Joint Awami Action Committee (JAAC) led protests in PoK are against Islamabad’s high handedness and abject apathy in addressing genuine public concerns on basic governance and economic issues. They are also against indiscriminate use of force against peaceful people by the Pakistan army and other law enforcement agencies in which several protesters have been killed, maimed and injured.

In short, protests in PoK are about deprivation, disempowerment and exploitation of Kashmiris living in this region and so the widespread ongoing public unrest in PoK three years in a row isn’t surprising at all.

Blame Game

Unfortunately, rather than address genuine grievances of PoK residents, both Islamabad and Rawalpindi are trying to portray these protests as being orchestrated by India.

To blame India for everything and anything going wrong in Pakistan is nothing new and so Islamabad and Rawalpindi’s allegation of India’s involvement in the PoK protests was expected. Pakistan’s Information Minister Attaullah Tarar and Director General (DG) of Pakistan army’s media wing Lt Gen Ahmad Sharif Chaudhary allege that India was both organising as well as financing a coordinated social media campaign supporting JAAC and spewing anti-Pakistan propaganda to incite unrest in PoK.

Pakistan always claims to have “undeniable evidence” of Indian involvement in orchestrating violence inside Pakistan, but it has never provided any credible proof to substantiate its allegations in the past, and it hasn’t done so now. This is not at all surprising as the current unrest in PoK is not against Pakistan’s illegal occupation of this region- it’s about basic economic and governance issues.

Despite proscribing JAAC, arresting its leadership and coming down heavily on protesters, this movement has entered its third month, a clear indication that the public grievances being projected are indeed genuine and hence merit immediate redressal. And when Islamabad refuses to address the peoples’ woes and the Pakistan army goes on an indiscriminate killing spree targeting peaceful protesters, outburst of anger against these tormentors is not a propaganda induced reaction but a spontaneous and natural human response.

Middle East Eye, a UK based media website has aptly concluded that “What started as frustration over soaring electricity bills and flour prices (in PoK) has rapidly transformed into a systemic challenge to Islamabad’s authority in the region. Rather than rehashing the old geopolitical tug-of-war with India, this new wave of unrest reflects deep-seated frustration with local governance.”

It further mentions that “Protesters are demanding genuine political participation, arguing that while Kashmir’s international fate hangs in limbo, their basic political and economic rights cannot remain frozen. In a region long treated as a geopolitical pawn, domestic disillusionment is now taking centre stage.”

Unanswered Questions

Islamabad has officially disclosed that of the 38 demands made by JAAC, it had accepted 37 and this revelation raises three questions. One, doesn’t the government’s acceptance of all the demands barring one unambiguously indicate that the JAAC protests were impelled by genuine grievances?

Two, if JAAC demands are restricted to only economic and governance issues, why has it been proscribed under anti-terrorism laws? Lastly, if JAAC is indeed a terrorist organisation with links to India, then why did Islamabad negotiate with it and accept its demands in the first place?

Indian Hand

It’s evident that while Islamabad is blaming India for inciting PoK protests in a bid to cover its own governance failures and Rawalpindi is doing likewise to divert attention from its indiscriminate use of force against peaceful protesters.

However, as the people of PoK would definitely be comparing the far better governance and living conditions in J&K with their own pathetic existence, India may in an indirect way be instrumental in highlighting the sense of comparative deprivation amongst PoK residents by opening their eyes to reality.

So, on this account, India can definitely be blamed. After all, hasn’t it created four airports in J&K while PoK has only two? And while J&K has a functional railway line, PoK has none. Talking about higher education facilities, while J&K has 35 universities, PoK has just six, and with nine government medical colleges, J&K is far ahead of PoK which has only three.

The comparative differences in per capita budget and allocation of funds infrastructural development expenditure too are huge. Islamabad is understandably shy of revealing fund allocation for PoK but some details are available. For example, in 2019, while New Delhi allocated ₹6,724 crores to J&K for infrastructural development, PoK received just a measly sum of ₹1,028 crores from Islamabad.

According to The Geostrata, an independent policy and research think tank, the Union Budget of India, for the year 2025-26 allocated ₹41,000 crores to J&K as central assistance along with ₹13,522 crores centrally sponsored schemes and the Prime Minister’s Development Package. On the other hand, Pakistan slashed its scanty budgetary allocation for PoK by a whopping 16%, from a previous estimation of ₹2,307 crores quoting Dawn’s observation that “the region would be handicapped by lower allocations.”

While rebutting unsubstantiated allegations of Indian involvement in PoK protests, New Delhi therefore needs to expose how Islamabad’s anti-people economic policies, inefficient governance and brazen exploitation of the resources of this region have forced its people to rise up and demand what is rightfully due to them.

Tailpiece: Even though the Pakistan army is merrily going about shooting peaceful protesters in PoK, DG ISPR has the impudence to declare that Kashmiris are Pakistan’s “sub se ladla bacha” (most favourite child), and expects the world to believe this.

Isn’t this a classic case of great expectations?

Nilesh Kunwar is a retired Indian Army Officer who has served in Jammu & Kashmir, Assam, Nagaland and Manipur. He is a keen ‘Kashmir-Watcher,’ and after retirement is pursuing his favourite hobby of writing for newspapers, journals and think-tanks. Views expressed above are the author's own

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US Urges Restraint, Warns Pakistan To Respect Freedoms Amid PoK Crackdown

The United States has urged Pakistani authorities to exercise restraint and respect fundamental freedoms in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK), where unrest has continued for months.

A spokesperson for the US State Department emphasised that officials must create conditions for free and fair elections conducted peacefully, including ensuring access to information.

The department also called on demonstrators to express grievances peacefully, while urging local authorities to act in accordance with national laws and the constitution.

Reports from the region indicate that dozens of protesters have been killed since June 2026. Security forces have imposed internet blackouts and restricted foreign media access, further fuelling concerns over transparency and accountability.

On Sunday, widespread disruptions were reported across PoK, with demonstrations spreading to Kashmiri communities in other Pakistani cities, including Karachi.

Monitoring groups have raised alarm over enforced disappearances of journalists, restrictions on foreign media outlets, and prolonged internet shutdowns. Amnesty International has flagged incidents of force being used against demonstrators in Rawalakot and has demanded an immediate external inquiry into alleged human rights violations. Calls for transparent investigations have grown louder as the crackdown continues.

India has strongly criticised Pakistan’s actions in PoK. At a press briefing in New Delhi, Ministry of External Affairs spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal stated that at least 90 civilians have been killed since June.

He described the local elections in the region as a “complete farce,” arguing that the reality is one of public protests and indiscriminate killings by Pakistani forces. He urged the international community to hold Pakistan accountable for atrocities against civilians.

The unrest in PoK has drawn international attention, with Washington’s appeal for restraint adding to mounting pressure on Islamabad. The combination of civilian casualties, restrictions on media, and suppression of fundamental freedoms has intensified scrutiny of Pakistan’s handling of the crisis.

The situation remains volatile, with demonstrators continuing to demand justice, accountability, and respect for democratic rights.

ANI

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Baloch Activist Aomar Karim Condemns Pakistan’s Kashmir Narrative And Media Censorship

Baloch political and human rights activist Aomar Karim has strongly criticised Pakistan’s use of the Kashmir issue in international forums, arguing that Islamabad is attempting to divert global attention from its own human rights record through diplomatic campaigns.

His remarks came in response to an event organised by the Embassy of Pakistan in France on August 5 to mark Youm-e-Istehsal Kashmir, which he described as a “shameful and hollow” exercise designed to deflect scrutiny.

During the Paris event, Pakistan’s Ambassador to France, Mumtaz Zahra Baloch, reiterated that the Jammu and Kashmir dispute remains central to Pakistan’s foreign policy. She emphasised that Islamabad would continue diplomatic efforts to mobilise international support for Kashmiris’ right to self-determination.

Karim, however, countered that Pakistan’s invocation of the Kashmir issue is a deliberate attempt to obscure the deaths of civilians in Pakistan-occupied Jammu and Kashmir, including incidents in Rawalakot.

Karim highlighted that Kashmiri activists held protests outside the Pakistani High Commission in London on the same day, underscoring the growing discontent among communities in PoJK. He further noted that recent elections in the region witnessed widespread public boycott, reflecting deep mistrust of the political process under Pakistani administration.

Raising concerns over press freedom, Karim accused Pakistan’s military establishment of exercising strict control over domestic media. He argued that independent reporting from sensitive regions is severely restricted, citing Al Jazeera English’s coverage of the elections, which pointed to low voter participation.

He also referred to new regulations requiring journalists to obtain official permission before reporting from areas outside designated cities, a measure he said was intended to suppress dissent.

Karim drew parallels with Balochistan, where he claimed authorities enforce a media blackout to prevent international scrutiny of enforced disappearances, extrajudicial killings and other human rights violations. He stressed that the same tactics of censorship and intimidation are being applied across multiple regions to silence voices of resistance.

He also referred to the case of Baloch Yakjehti Committee leader Dr Mahrang Baloch, who was detained in March 2025 and later convicted by an anti-terrorism court in Quetta in June 2026.

The conviction was linked to the death of a Frontier Corps soldier during protests in Gwadar in 2024. Karim argued that Pakistan’s military establishment exerts significant influence over the judicial process, undermining the independence of courts and perpetuating injustice against activists.

Karim’s statement reflects a broader critique of Pakistan’s strategy of using the Kashmir narrative as a diplomatic shield while ignoring widespread abuses within its own territories. His remarks underline the growing frustration among Baloch and Kashmiri activists who accuse Islamabad of hypocrisy in its international campaigns.

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Pakistan Faces Backlash Over New Restrictions On Foreign Media

Pakistan has introduced new regulations requiring foreign journalists to obtain official permission before reporting from most parts of the country. The measures have sparked criticism from media and human rights organisations, who argue that the restrictions will further weaken press freedom.

The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan stated that the government’s Foreign Media Facilitation Guidelines 2026 would institutionalise state control over news gathering rather than facilitate journalistic work.

The commission said that forcing reporters to secure approval before travelling beyond Islamabad, Lahore and Karachi sends a troubling signal that independent and critical reporting is being discouraged.

HRCP added that the rules form part of a broader trend of shrinking space for free journalism in Pakistan. It pointed to increasing censorship, administrative hurdles and restrictions on reporting as evidence of this decline. The commission urged the government to withdraw the measures and fulfil its constitutional and international commitments to protect freedom of expression.

The Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists also denounced the policy, describing it as a direct assault on press freedom. PFUJ President Afzal Butt and Secretary General Arshad Ansari said the regulations restrict foreign correspondents and prevent Pakistani journalists employed by international media organisations from travelling independently to many regions for reporting.

The union questioned how reporters could carry out their professional responsibilities under such restrictions. It warned that the policy could further damage Pakistan’s international reputation. PFUJ expressed concern that journalists working with foreign organisations could face difficulties if they are unable to travel for assignments.

Under the new guidelines, foreign journalists must obtain a no-objection certificate from the Ministry of Information before travelling outside Islamabad, Lahore and Karachi to produce news reports, documentaries, videos or other media content.

The regulations also require organisations and individuals assisting foreign media operations in Pakistan to register with the ministry’s External Publicity Wing.

These developments come amid heightened scrutiny of media access in Pakistan, where press freedom groups have repeatedly raised concerns about censorship, intimidation and restrictions on reporting. International watchdogs have warned that such measures could isolate Pakistan further and undermine its democratic credentials.

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India Dismisses Pakistan’s ‘Youm‑e‑Istehsal’ Over Article 370, Cites Violence in PoK

India has strongly rebuked Pakistan’s latest attempt to mark the anniversary of the abrogation of Article 370 as “Youm-e-Istehsal” or day of exploitation.

The Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) dismissed the move as a desperate manoeuvre designed to spread fabrications and divert global attention from Islamabad’s poor human rights record and its role as a sanctuary for terrorism.

MEA spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal described Pakistan’s observance of Youm-e-Istehsal as political absurdity and a futile exercise aimed at propagating hostility against India. He reaffirmed that Jammu and Kashmir, along with Ladakh, are integral and indivisible parts of India.

Jaiswal emphasised that the constitutional changes made on 5 August 2019 were entirely an internal matter of India. He noted that these decisions had ushered in socio-economic development, good governance, and democratic empowerment for the people of the region. He stressed that Pakistan had no locus standi to comment on matters strictly internal to India.

The MEA highlighted the stark contrast between India’s administrative progress and Pakistan’s repression in territories under its illegal control. Jaiswal pointed out that the international community was witnessing brutal suppression of fundamental rights in Pakistan-occupied Jammu and Kashmir (PoK), where recent weeks had seen lethal violence, targeted killings, and draconian bans imposed on peaceful civil rights protests.

He accused Islamabad of orchestrating diplomatic theatre while simultaneously fostering cross-border militancy. Jaiswal urged Pakistan to stop the bloodshed in PoK, take credible and irreversible action against terror networks operating from its soil, and vacate all Indian territories under its illegal occupation. He asserted that the world was not fooled by such orchestrated spectacles.

India’s response coincided with the anniversary of the 2019 constitutional changes that revoked Jammu and Kashmir’s temporary special status. Over the past seven years, the region has recorded steady progress in infrastructure, education, tourism, and civic administration. This stands in sharp contrast to PoK, which remains plagued by civil unrest, security crackdowns, and continuous agitation against state repression.

New Delhi has repeatedly exposed the cosmetic electoral exercises in PoK, describing them as a façade to disguise unlawful occupation and ongoing human rights abuses. Jaiswal reiterated that the ongoing mass protests in PoK were a direct consequence of economic exploitation, denial of fundamental rights, and administrative oppression by Pakistan.

Independent reports have noted that protests in PoK have intensified, with widespread demands for accountability and international intervention. Amnesty International and other rights groups have condemned Pakistan’s violent suppression, calling for transparent investigations into unlawful killings. Diaspora communities have also staged demonstrations abroad, drawing attention to the plight of civilians in PoK.

India’s firm stance underscores its consistent position that Jammu and Kashmir, including PoK, is an inseparable part of the nation. The MEA’s remarks highlight New Delhi’s determination to expose Pakistan’s duplicity and to press for global scrutiny of its actions.

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Coalition of Thirteen Local And International Civil Society Organisations Call On Pakistan To End Crackdown On Press Freedom

A coalition of thirteen local and international civil society organisations, led by Amnesty International, has issued a joint appeal urging Pakistani authorities to immediately halt escalating restrictions on freedom of expression, press freedom, and human rights advocacy.

The appeal was delivered in the form of an open letter addressed to Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, Information Minister Attaullah Tarar, and Law Minister Azam Nazeer Tarar. The coalition warned that national security, public order, and alleged false information must not be used as open-ended justifications for criminalising dissent, controlling newsrooms, or disconnecting entire populations.

The groups highlighted a broader pattern of using vague cybercrime provisions under the Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act (PECA) to criminalise protected expression and intimidate critical voices. The letter specifically cited recent summonses issued to prominent journalists, including Asad Ali Toor, as well as notices served to reporters from major news outlets and local press clubs.

Beyond legal action, the statement raised alarm over mounting government pressure on newsrooms and television networks. The rights groups cited the forced removal of journalists and anchorpersons from broadcast television, including Munizae Jahangir, Matiullah Jan, and Kashif Abbasi, as retaliatory actions for covering sensitive political subjects.

They condemned punitive regulatory measures by the Pakistan Electronic Media Regulatory Authority (PEMRA), including fines, suspensions, and employment directives that foster widespread self-censorship.

The statement noted that PECA notices have also been issued to Dawn journalist Muhammad Akbar Notezai, Lahore Press Club President Arshad Ansari, journalists Mujahid Sheikh, Sheraz Nisar, Ahmad Faraz, Yasir Shamoun, Waseem Sabir, and lawyer Tariq Afghan. The groups stressed that the law must not be used to criminalise journalism, legal advocacy, political criticism, or human rights reporting.

Journalist unions and rights groups described the removal of Munizae Jahangir’s television news and politics program after eleven years of broadcast on Aaj TV as retaliation for her reporting on topics considered too sensitive, including an interview with the Leader of the Opposition.

This follows the sudden sacking of journalist Matiullah Jan from Neo News earlier this year, reportedly due to similar pressure by the authorities, and the reported removal from air of anchorperson Kashif Abbasi. The coalition argued that this is part of a wider pattern of forced silence. In 2021, journalist Hamid Mir was suspended by Geo News after speaking at a protest supporting an attacked journalist.

The signatories demanded the immediate release of human rights lawyers Imaan Zainab Mazari-Hazir and Hadi Ali Chattha, who have remained imprisoned under PECA charges since January. The letter emphasised that their ongoing detention directly violates international standards, including the United Nations Basic Principles on the Role of Lawyers.

Their appeals and sentence-suspension applications have not received substantive determination by the courts, despite a Supreme Court direction in May that the Islamabad High Court decide the matter within two weeks. On 28 July, their lawyers again sought an urgent hearing.

Addressing digital rights, the coalition criticised blanket communications blackouts, calling for the full restoration of internet services in Pakistan-occupied Jammu and Kashmir following disruptions that began in June. The group also demanded an immediate reversal of the reported blocking of Al Jazeera’s news website and the withdrawal of restrictive Foreign Media Facilitation Guidelines.

The letter reminded the government that Pakistan’s authorities must protect people, including journalists, lawyers, and human rights defenders, rather than punish them simply for their work. It stressed Pakistan’s binding international obligations under Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR).

The joint appeal was co-signed by Amnesty International, Article 19, Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP), Digital Rights Foundation (DRF), Bolo Bhi, Lawyers for Lawyers, and several other international rights organisations.

ANI

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Article 370 Anniversary Highlights Contrasting Development Paths of J-K And PoK

Seven years after the abrogation of Article 370, Jammu and Kashmir and Pakistan‑occupied Jammu and Kashmir present sharply contrasting trajectories.

The Indian Union Territory has witnessed economic growth and infrastructure expansion, while PoK continues to grapple with economic distress, political unrest and recurring protests.

According to the Comptroller and Auditor General Report on the Finances of the Union Territory for 2024‑25, Jammu and Kashmir has recorded steady economic progress over the past five years.

The Gross State Domestic Product increased from ₹1.68 lakh crore in 2020‑21 to ₹2.62 lakh crore in 2024‑25. Per capita income rose from ₹1.01 lakh to ₹1.55 lakh during the same period, reflecting a significant improvement in living standards.

The report highlights a notable rise in developmental spending. Expenditure on Economic Services increased from ₹14,842 crore in 2020‑21 to ₹23,257 crore in 2024‑25. Spending on Social Services rose from ₹21,964 crore to ₹28,234 crore. The combined share of social and economic sector expenditure reached 62 per cent of total expenditure in 2024‑25, underscoring a greater emphasis on development‑oriented sectors.

The CAG further noted that the ratio of total expenditure to Gross State Domestic Product declined from 37.66 per cent in 2020‑21 to 31.45 per cent in 2024‑25. This indicates that the region’s economy is becoming progressively less dependent on government spending as overall economic activity expands. Analysts have pointed out that this trend reflects a healthier fiscal balance and growing private sector participation in the Union Territory’s economy.

In contrast, Pakistan‑occupied Jammu and Kashmir is facing mounting socio‑economic challenges. The official unemployment rate stands at 11 per cent, while youth unemployment has reached 27 per cent. This has contributed to the migration of educated young people in search of opportunities abroad or in other parts of Pakistan. The lack of job creation has become a pressing concern for the region’s future stability.

Poverty remains a major issue. The official poverty rate is 12.65 per cent, but nearly 18.6 per cent of the rural population remains vulnerable to slipping below the poverty line due to continuing economic pressures. Rising inflation and stagnant wages have worsened the plight of ordinary families, leaving them increasingly dependent on remittances and informal labour.

The worsening economic situation has fuelled widespread public discontent. Residents have staged repeated protests against rising electricity tariffs, increasing food prices and what they describe as inadequate governance.

Demonstrations have often turned into territory‑wide shutdowns, long marches and civil disobedience campaigns. The Joint Awami Action Committee has been at the forefront of these movements, demanding subsidised wheat flour and a fair share of electricity generated from the region’s hydropower resources.

The region has also witnessed repeated allegations of human rights violations. Incidents of political unrest, targeted killings and abductions of political activists have added to concerns over governance and stability. Reports suggest that the administration has struggled to contain dissent, often resorting to heavy‑handed measures that further alienate the population.

Seven years after the constitutional changes of 2019, the two regions present a stark contrast. Jammu and Kashmir is marked by expanding infrastructure, rising developmental expenditure and economic growth.

Pakistan‑occupied Jammu and Kashmir continues to face economic hardship, political unrest and public protests. The divergence highlights the impact of governance, fiscal management and political stability on regional development trajectories.

ANI

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'Answered With Bullets': India Condemns Pakistan Over PoK Unrest, Calls PoK Polls a Sham

India has strongly condemned Pakistan’s violent crackdown in Pakistan-occupied Jammu and Kashmir (PoK), declaring the recent elections a “complete farce” as at least 90 civilians have reportedly been killed since June.

The Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) has urged the international community to hold Islamabad accountable for atrocities, while human rights groups highlight enforced disappearances, communication blackouts, and restrictions on press freedom.

India on Tuesday reiterated its position that Pakistan has responded to public discontent in PoK with bullets, intimidation, and repression. MEA spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal stated that the Pakistani establishment has sought to manufacture legitimacy through hollow electoral exercises, but the reality remains one of widespread protests and wanton killings. He emphasised that the world must see through Pakistan’s hypocritical lecturing on human rights.

The recently conducted local elections in PoK were marred by violence, logistical failures, and widespread disruptions. Demonstrations erupted across Rawalakot, Mirpur, and Muzaffarabad, with protesters alleging rigging and suppression of democratic rights. Reports confirmed that police detained several protesters and student leaders, intensifying public anger.

The Joint Awami Action Committee (JAAC), which has spearheaded demonstrations since June, accused Pakistani forces of opening fire on unarmed civilians, resulting in multiple casualties.

Human rights organisations, including Amnesty International and the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ Asia), have raised alarms over state violence, restrictions on media, and communication shutdowns.

Amnesty International highlighted reports of force being used against demonstrators in Rawalakot and demanded an immediate external inquiry. CPJ Asia expressed concern over enforced disappearances of journalists and restrictions on foreign media outlets, underscoring the need for transparent investigations.

The crackdown has coincided with Pakistan’s reported blocking of international media outlets such as Al Jazeera, following their coverage of protests and election-related violence. Activists and opposition leaders accused Islamabad of silencing independent reporting to conceal the scale of unrest. Internet and mobile services have remained suspended in PoK since June 5, severely impeding verification of events on the ground.

India also drew attention to the contrasting situation in the Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir. Human rights activist Taslima Akhtar noted that since the abrogation of Article 370 in August 2019, the region has witnessed improved security, reduced militancy, and a peaceful environment. She stressed that parents no longer live in fear for their children’s safety, and stone-pelting incidents have been curbed. Akhtar contrasted this with PoK, where civilians are allegedly being shot for demanding their rights.

The United Kashmir People’s National Party (UKPNP) spokesperson Sardar Nasir Aziz Khan alleged that PoK has been under siege, blockade, and communication blackout since June 5. He claimed residents faced shortages of food, medicines, and healthcare, while hospitals were occupied by security forces. Khan reported large demonstrations in Muzaffarabad, where protesters demanded basic rights and condemned excessive use of force.

Independent reports suggest that the unrest stems from grievances over reserved legislative seats for refugees from Jammu and Kashmir settled in Pakistan, which locals argue undermines their representation. The JAAC has campaigned against these policies, evolving into one of the largest movements challenging Islamabad’s control in decades. Pakistani authorities responded by banning the JAAC under anti-terrorism laws and arresting its leaders, further fuelling public resentment.

India has doubled down on its call for Pakistan to dismantle terrorist infrastructure and take strong action against cross-border terrorism. Jaiswal emphasised that Pakistan must be held accountable not only for atrocities in PoK but also for its continued support of terrorism. The developments come as the region marks seven years since the abrogation of Article 370, highlighting divergent trajectories across the Line of Control.

Diaspora groups have staged protests abroad, particularly in the United Kingdom, drawing attention to the plight of civilians in PoK. Global outrage has mounted, with Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and other organisations demanding independent investigations and restoration of communications access. Analysts argue that Pakistan’s attempt to use elections as a veneer of legitimacy has collapsed under the weight of violence and repression.

Alternative Headline:

India Slams Pakistan’s Crackdown In PoK, Calls Elections A Complete Farce

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Pakistan Tightens Rules On Foreign Media With Mandatory NOC For Reporting Outside Major Cities

Pakistan has introduced new restrictions on foreign media personnel, requiring journalists working for international organisations to obtain a No Objection Certificate before travelling outside Islamabad, Lahore and Karachi for reporting purposes.

The Ministry of Information and Broadcasting has issued guidelines that establish a framework for registration, accreditation and movement of foreign media organisations and their staff.

According to Dawn, all foreign journalists already registered or accredited with the Ministry’s External Publicity Wing must now secure a mandatory NOC before travelling to any other city to produce news reports, documentaries, films, videos or social media content.

Islamabad, Lahore and Karachi are exempt from the requirement. For leisure travel to Abbottabad and Murree, journalists may obtain an NOC upon request, with approvals expected within three working days.

The rules apply to international print, electronic and digital media organisations, including web-based platforms and social media outlets.

All journalists associated with foreign media must register through the EP Wing’s online portal. Pakistani journalists residing abroad and contributing to foreign media are also required to apply through the portal, routing applications via the nearest Pakistani diplomatic mission.

The regulations extend to production houses, companies, freelancers, fixers and non-journalists providing services to foreign media in Pakistan. Registration is described as professional recognition only and does not confer any official status.

The EP Wing reserves the right to approve or reject accreditation applications. Journalists may appeal to the Secretary of the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting if their applications are denied.

The guidelines specify that all foreign media personnel already accredited must obtain an NOC for movement to any city other than Islamabad, Lahore and Karachi if they intend to produce official content.

Registered journalists will receive QR-enabled PVC accreditation cards, which will facilitate access to government events and premises. Registration cards are expected within seven working days, while accreditation cards may take four to six weeks.

These measures follow heightened scrutiny over media access in Pakistan after reports of protests, disruptions and alleged use of force during the local election process in Pakistan-occupied Jammu and Kashmir.

Human rights and press freedom organisations, including Amnesty International and the Committee to Protect Journalists Asia, have expressed concern over restrictions on journalists, communication shutdowns, enforced disappearances of media personnel and limitations on foreign media coverage.

Amnesty International has called for an independent investigation into reports of excessive force against demonstrators in Rawalakot.

India has highlighted contrasting developments between Jammu and Kashmir and Pakistan-occupied Jammu and Kashmir. Human rights activist Taslima Akhtar stated that the security situation in Jammu and Kashmir had improved significantly since August 2019, while expressing concern over violence against civilians and restrictions on peaceful protesters in PoK.

ANI

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Pakistan Occupied Jammu And Kashmir: Where Bullets Not Ballot Matter

by Nilesh Kunwar

The ‘Enemy’

My mentioning that Pakistanis didn’t trust Kashmiris in an article written three weeks ago drew criticism from certain quarters with accusations that I had no empirical evidence to substantiate this viewpoint, which I humbly admitted I didn’t have. However, with Pakistan Defence Minister Khawaja Asif declaring that “I put the protesters of ‘Azad’ (Pakistan occupied) Kashmir in the same category as India and consider them also as enemies like India,” my assertion is vindicated.

But it’s not about celebrating being proven right at all. Au contraire, it’s about a humongous tragedy of how Pakistan continues its illegal occupation of Pakistan occupied Jammu and Kashmir (PoK), considering it a colony and treating its population as second class citizens. It’s about Islamabad subjugating Kashmiris of PoK through constitutional restrictions, political manipulation as well as military oppression, ironically proclaiming that they are Azad (independent/free).

Most importantly, it’s about the fact that indiscriminate firing on peaceful protesters proves lives of PoK residents don’t matter and the abject apathy of the international community on these killings!

Justified Demands

Unbridled political indifference and barefaced institutional apathy forced traders, transporters, lawyers, students and other civic groups to come together in 2023 and form Jammu and Kashmir Joint Awami Action Committee (JKJAAC). This grassroots socio-political civil coalition gained immense popularity amongst the masses as it raised its voice demanding genuine and long overdue basic economic and governance reforms.

The economic issues contained in JKJAAC’s 38-point charter includes reduced power tariffs for PoK residents based on production cost of electricity generated from the local Mangla Dam, and provision of wheat at subsidised rates at par with Gilgit-Baltistan. Both these demands are completely reasonable and it’s a pity that PoK residents were being denied their basic rights and treated unfairly by the administration.

The governance issues raised by JKJAAC too are fully justified and included abolition of unconstitutional perks and privileges enjoyed by politicians and bureaucrats. It also demanded removal of 12 seats in the PoK legislative assembly reserved exclusively for refugees hailing from J&K as these were being misused by ruling parties to manipulate political decision making by creating an artificial majority.

Criminalising Dissent

2023 saw massive protests against skyrocketing increase in flour costs and high electricity tariffs and the PoK government agreed to restore subsidies on flour and freeze electricity tariff rates- a clear acceptance that JKJAAC demands were justified. But lack of official sincerity led to a series of protests in 2024, 2025 and the current ongoing agitation proves that both the local and federal governments haven’t learnt any lessons.

Unable to suppress genuine public wrath despite use of brute force against peaceful protesters resulting in several fatalities and serious injuries, the authorities followed the most convenient way of stifling legitimate dissent in Pakistan - JKJAAC was proscribed under the draconian anti-terrorism laws. And Pakistan’s Information Minister Atta Tarar has predictably alleged that JKJAAC is receiving “funds and instructions” from India and reiterating that JKJAAC’s “links lead to India.”

While Islamabad may have given JKJAAC a bad name, hanging it wouldn’t be easy because it stands for the marginalised people of PoK and has been recognised as such by international rights groups.

International Condemnation

Amnesty International’s Deputy Regional Director Isabelle Lassee has observed with grave concern that “Branding a grass-roots organisation as ‘terrorist’ on vague grounds, while simultaneously cutting the region off from the outside world, raises serious concerns regarding the Pakistani authorities’ conduct and their disregard for human rights. The proscription of JKJAAC under anti-terror laws is disproportionate, unlawful and a violation of the right to freedom of association.”

Spokesperson for UN Commissioner for Human Rights Jeremy Laurence also noted that “the criminalisation of a civil society organisation and imposition of strict limitations on gathering raise serious concerns about infringements on the rights to freedom of expression, peaceful assembly and association.” Stressing that the JKJAAC leaders must have access to legal representation and their families, he added that “Their rights to due process and fair trial must be fully guaranteed.”

But Who Cares?

The violent crackdown on JKJAAC protests even came up for discussion in the UK Parliament. In a letter addressed to Foreign Secretary Yvette Cooper, more than 50 British lawmakers demanded diplomatic action against Pakistan for its security crackdown and communications blackout in PoK. This happened three weeks ago, but despite international criticism and body bags of protesters piling up, Pakistan remains unfazed.

The full credit for this brazen indifference goes to the country’s self appointed Field Marshal Asim Munir who unashamedly crushed democracy in Pakistan by stealing the peoples’ mandate. He ‘selected’ a pliable government that would eagerly acquiesce to his demand of turning the country into a ‘hard state’. This was cunningly achieved by making constitutional changes and passing draconian laws that not only gave sweeping powers to security forces sans any accountability but also provided the field marshal lifelong immunity against arrest and criminal persecution.

With no fear of facing the law for committing serious rights violations against the public, Field Marshal Munir and his security forces appear to have declared war against their own people. While the hapless people of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) are caught between the ongoing clashes between the Pakistan army and Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) terrorists, enforced disappearances and extra-judicial killings are commonplace in Balochistan. And now PoK has become another arena of public unrest

Fuelling Secessionism

Islamabad may accuse New Delhi of sponsoring secessionist activities in Pakistan but as many cynically point out that when the Pakistan army is doing this job so well, why should India waste its time and resources duplicating this enterprise? For example, could India ever have imagined that it could achieve the stupendous level of public alienation in PoK that the Pakistan army and other security forces have precipitated through mass killing of JKJAAC protesters?

Human Rights Watch 2006 report on PoK has accurately determined that “Power in PoK is exercised primarily through the Pakistani army's General Headquarters in Rawalpindi.” Hence there’s no doubt that the ongoing unrest in PoK is the consequence of the Pakistan army’s indiscriminate use of brute force against its unarmed and defenceless people.

Though Field Marshal Munir may blame India for the ongoing unrest in PoK, but in his heart of hearts he knows very well that this crisis is the consequence of his own obdurate mindset and so do the people. However, it seems that he appears to be extremely proud of his Field Marshal and Chief of Defence Forces new clothes, and so someone needs to tell him that he’s wearing none.

But in Pakistan, who would dare to bell a cat in uniform?

Nilesh Kunwar is a retired Indian Army Officer who has served in Jammu & Kashmir, Assam, Nagaland and Manipur. He is a keen ‘Kashmir-Watcher,’ and after retirement is pursuing his favourite hobby of writing for newspapers, journals and think-tanks. Views expressed above are the author's own

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Digital Media Outlets Blocked In Pakistan Amid PoK Unrest And Election Disruptions

Digital censorship measures have intensified in Pakistan, with access reportedly restricted to numerous news websites following critical coverage of the unrest in Pakistan-occupied Jammu and Kashmir. Reports suggest that even international broadcasters such as Al Jazeera English have become inaccessible in certain parts of the country.

The restrictions appear to target platforms reporting on protests, alleged security crackdowns, and public grievances in PoK. Pakistan has not issued any official confirmation regarding these measures, but the timing coincides with heightened sensitivity over information flows related to the political climate and local resistance movements.

Al Jazeera previously reported that a judicial magistrate court in Islamabad sought bans after the National Cyber Crime Investigation Agency criticised several YouTube channels in a June 2 report. The agency accused these platforms of sharing highly intimidating, provocative, and derogatory content against state institutions and officials.

A subsequent court order dated June 24 identified channels belonging to the main opposition party, its leader and jailed former Prime Minister Imran Khan, as well as several journalists critical of the government.

Digital rights campaigners have warned that such bans would further suppress freedom of expression in Pakistan. With traditional television and print media already heavily restricted, social media remains one of the few avenues for dissent. YouTube has reportedly notified 27 content creators that their channels risk removal if they fail to comply with court directives.

Meanwhile, the Joint Awami Action Committee has released footage from Muzaffarabad showing security forces dragging and assaulting an unarmed civilian. The committee claims that an individual in civilian clothing was seen alongside security personnel discharging a firearm at protesters. These revelations come amid mounting casualties in the protest movement.

According to updated figures from the Human Rights Council of Pakistan-occupied Jammu & Kashmir, 80 fatalities have been documented. This includes 33 civilian deaths prior to 27 July, 43 deaths from 27 July onwards across Rawalakot, Mirpur, and Muzaffarabad, and four police personnel.

The committee has appealed to the United Nations, OHCHR, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, international media, and diplomatic missions to verify the footage and press for an impartial investigation. It has also urged the International Committee of the Red Cross to monitor the humanitarian situation and ensure protection and assistance for injured civilians.

These developments follow widespread disruptions during the second phase of elections in PoK. Polling was scheduled across 21 constituencies, including nine in the Muzaffarabad Division and 12 refugee constituencies in Pakistan.

However, the process was marred by road blockades, protests, and logistical failures, raising serious questions about the credibility of the electoral exercise.

The escalating censorship, combined with violence and electoral disruptions, underscores the deepening crisis in PoK. The suppression of digital outlets and opposition voices reflects a broader pattern of curtailing dissent, leaving international organisations increasingly concerned about the erosion of democratic space and human rights in the region.

ANI

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Users Report Al Jazeera Access Curbed In Pakistan Amid POK Unrest And Sham Elections

Access to Al Jazeera appears to have been restricted in Pakistan after the Qatari broadcaster devoted extensive coverage to the unrest and election-related violence in Pakistan-Occupied Kashmir. Activists and opposition leaders claim the move is part of a wider clampdown on critical journalism under the Asim Munir-led hybrid regime.

Reports from users on X suggest that Al Jazeera’s website became inaccessible inside Pakistan soon after its coverage of protests in Muzaffarabad and other parts of POK.

ANI noted that alongside local and regional domains, international broadcasters such as Al Jazeera English were also blocked, though Islamabad has not issued any official confirmation.

The protests, led by the banned Joint Awami Action Committee, have escalated since June, with demonstrators demanding greater autonomy, accountability for civilian deaths, and regulation of food prices. At least 80 civilians are reported dead. Road blockades, internet shutdowns, and clashes with security forces have deepened the crisis, transforming it into a broader movement against Pakistan’s political system in the occupied region.

Al Jazeera’s correspondent Kamal Hyder reported from Muzaffarabad that low voter turnout reflected solidarity with the protests. His reports highlighted deserted streets, closed markets, and allegations of electoral manipulation. Locals voiced frustration, with one resident stating that people were “fed-up” with the system and boycotting the polls. The coverage gave rare international visibility to grievances that have long been suppressed.

India has condemned Islamabad’s “ruthless” use of force against peaceful protesters and urged the international community to hold Pakistan accountable for human rights abuses in POK. Some demonstrators have even raised slogans such as “Open the road to India,” underscoring the depth of resentment against Pakistan’s establishment.

Activists like Sohaib Khan of the JKLF claimed Al Jazeera was deliberately silenced, warning that “independent media will not hide the truth.” PTI leader Faiza Murad alleged that foreign journalists now face stricter rules, including mandatory No Objection Certificates for reporting outside Lahore, Islamabad, and Karachi. India Today could not independently verify this advisory.

The timing of the restriction is significant: Al Jazeera was among the few international outlets documenting prolonged internet shutdowns, disrupted education and healthcare, and the sham electoral process. Its reporting amplified accusations of vote-rigging, heavy restrictions, and the Munir regime’s oppressive tactics.

The unrest in POK reflects decades of systemic exploitation and denial of rights under Pakistan’s control since the 1947–48 war.

With protests intensifying, Islamabad’s response has been to tighten censorship, restrict foreign media, and deploy force, raising serious concerns about press freedom and democratic space in the region.

Agencies

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Ballot Box Cannot Manufacture Democracy In PoK Amid Crackdown

The situation in Pakistan-occupied Jammu and Kashmir remains tense as violence continues to overshadow the electoral process. According to updated figures from the Human Rights Council of PoK, eighty fatalities have been documented.

These include thirty-three civilian deaths prior to 27 July, forty-three deaths from 27 July onwards across Rawalakot, Mirpur, and Muzaffarabad, and four police personnel belonging to PoK.

Italian journalist Francesca Marino, writing in Parrhesia News, has argued that Pakistan’s foundational narrative on Kashmir is collapsing. She explained that Islamabad has long used the Kashmir issue as a moral stage, constantly pointing toward New Delhi to divert attention from its own repression in Muzaffarabad, Mirpur, and Rawalakot. Marino noted that the people of these regions have now stepped forward themselves, rejecting their roles as passive backdrops.

She emphasised that for seventy years Pakistan presented Kashmir as a morality play with India cast as the villain. This narrative provided Pakistan with an identity, the army with a permanent enemy, the intelligence services with a steady supply of jihadists, and successive governments with a diversion from bankruptcy and repression.

Kashmir became diplomatic currency, military doctrine, and national theology. It justified wars, proxy wars, terrorism, nuclear blackmail, and the disproportionate power of the military establishment.

Marino wrote that turning the gaze toward PoK causes this narrative to collapse. The region is neither free from Islamabad nor Rawalpindi, nor from political engineering, economic exploitation, or the security establishment.

While PoK has symbols of autonomy such as a president, prime minister, assembly, and flag, sovereignty ends where Pakistani interests begin. Even these symbols are now difficult to maintain, as recent elections took place amid weeks of protests, roadblocks, mass arrests, communications restrictions, allegations of manipulation, and repeated outbreaks of lethal violence.

She highlighted that the Joint Awami Action Committee has emerged as the principal vehicle for popular anger, raising issues such as electricity prices, flour shortages, elite privileges, and the absence of accountable government. Islamabad’s response was familiar: outlaw the movement, arrest its leaders, seal its offices, and redefine dissent as terrorism.

Reports suggest that more than one hundred people associated with the organisation were detained during the June crackdown. Documentation of subsequent violence has been difficult because authorities have restricted access.

Citing Reuters, Marino noted that more than twenty deaths occurred during the June protests and another nine in clashes on 14 July, shortly before the elections. Roads were closed, internet and mobile services disrupted, and media access restricted.

As voting began on 27 July, further violence and allegations of rigging overshadowed the process. Civil society groups and protesters have claimed a higher death toll, including reports of security forces firing on unarmed crowds, though these claims require independent verification.

Marino stressed that the blackout imposed around the region is not incidental but central to the story. She argued that elections cannot resolve the crisis. An electoral exercise conducted after arrests, killings, communications blackouts, and the banning of the principal protest movement cannot manufacture legitimacy.

She wrote that the ballot box does not become democratic merely because the state places it in a polling station. When political representation is imposed, candidates are managed by Pakistan’s national parties, and dissent is criminalised, elections become another instrument of control.

She further argued that the ongoing tensions in PoK may signify the end of innocence or plausible denial for wider Pakistani society. For decades, much of urban Pakistan has looked away from what was happening in Balochistan, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, and the former tribal areas. Enforced disappearances, extrajudicial killings, military operations, collective punishment, mutilated bodies, and the crushing of peaceful movements were absorbed into the national mythology by invoking India.

Meanwhile, the Joint Awami Action Committee has appealed to the United Nations, the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, international media, and diplomatic missions to examine footage, verify facts independently, and press for an impartial investigation.

The committee has also urged the International Committee of the Red Cross to monitor the deteriorating humanitarian situation and ensure that injured individuals and civilians receive protection and assistance in line with its mandate.

ANI

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Global Dealmaker, Ruin Within: Pakistan’s Jugular Vein (PoK) Rebellion, Pakistan’s Brutal Split

Pakistan under Field Marshal Asim Munir embodies a paradox that is both striking and dangerous. Abroad, it presents itself as a broker of global instability, mediating conflicts and offering corridors of connectivity. At home, however, it remains coercive, repressive, and deeply fragile, according to an analysis by The Print.

This duality has defined the state for decades, with the military’s ideology preferring perpetual risk over compromise. The consequences are stark. In 2025, Pakistan recorded 3,417 violence-linked fatalities, a 34 per cent increase from the previous year, marking its worst security record in a decade.

Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan accounted for more than 96 per cent of these deaths. Economically, the country grew by 3.7 per cent in FY2025-26, but remains trapped inside a $7-billion IMF program, with public debt hovering at 68.5 per cent of GDP. Diplomatic agility thus coexists uneasily with structural fragility.

The current crackdown in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir illustrates this contradiction most brutally. The Jammu Kashmir Joint Awami Action Committee began in 2023 with demands for cheaper flour, electricity priced against locally generated hydropower, and an end to elite privileges.

Its agenda has since expanded to demand abolition or restructuring of the 12 assembly seats reserved for refugees living elsewhere in Pakistan. These seats, 12 of 45 directly elected and 12 of the 53-member House, are seen by protesters as a mechanism for Islamabad to engineer governments in Muzaffarabad. 

Islamabad, unwilling to relinquish this control, has branded the protesters “state-enemies.” Casualty figures remain contested due to communications blackouts. Reuters conservatively estimated around 30 deaths since June, while JAAC alleges dozens more dead and hundreds wounded.

The political gravity of this revolt is undeniable. Baloch and Pashtun dissent has long been dismissed by the Punjabi establishment as peripheral. But Kashmir is different. Pakistan has spent decades portraying it as its shah rag, or jugular vein. When the supposed vein itself rejects the centre’s control, the metaphor collapses into absurdity.

India has sharpened its response, particularly after Defence Minister Khwaja Asif accused Indian agencies of backing JAAC. New Delhi’s legal position remains rooted in the unanimous 1994 Parliament resolution demanding Pakistan vacate the occupied territories.

Gilgit-Baltistan, however, was largely absent from Indian discourse until Rajnath Singh’s 2022 declaration that India’s journey to resolve Kashmir would only be complete after “reaching Gilgit and Baltistan.” Even now, many Indians conflate Gilgit-Baltistan with so-called Azad Kashmir, overlooking their distinct institutions, populations, and grievances.

This distinction is critical because it is where China enters the picture. Gilgit-Baltistan forms the northern throat of the China Pakistan Economic Corridor. The Karakoram Highway enters Pakistan from Xinjiang through Khunjerab, traverses Punjab and Sindh, and ends at Gwadar in Balochistan. 

China has already seen its interests attacked from Gwadar to Dasu, where five engineers were killed in 2024. Instability now shadows the northern corridor as well. A 68-day traders’ protest halted Khunjerab traffic in 2025, and in 2026 electoral and dam-compensation protests blocked the highway again.

Financially, Beijing’s investments are complex. The CPEC portfolio is valued above $60 billion, mixing commitments, loans, and private power projects. Yet it is far from complete. One assessment counted only 38 of nearly 90 proposed projects finished, with 23 under construction and roughly a third untouched. Analysts such as Andrew Small have described China as Pakistan’s greatest economic hope and trusted military partner.

This logic explains why CPEC might still prevail. In 2025, the two sides launched CPEC 2.0, promising five corridors—growth, livelihood, innovation, green development, and regional connectivity—alongside realignment of the Karakoram Highway, new industrial zones, and the delayed ML-1 railway.

Despite chronic instability, China is unlikely to abandon this route or its access to the Arabian Sea. Persistent violence may instead push Beijing towards a more visible security posture: deeper intelligence coordination, hardened enclaves, private protection, and perhaps eventually an official outpost. Such a development would concern both India and the United States.

Yet fears of Pakistan’s “Balkanisation” remain improbable. China, Turkey, the US, Gulf financiers, and Pakistan’s army all have strong incentives to prevent state fracture, even if domestic reforms and strategic course corrections are indefinitely postponed.

For India, the reality is clear. Pakistan will remain flailing, punching above its weight internationally while cracking down internally. It will regenerate cross-border infiltration into India as a survival tactic. Pakistan is neither a miraculous winner of global instability nor an imminent ruin.

It is a state monetising disorder while being consumed by disorder; mediating wars overseas while militarising politics at home; offering corridors to others while closing roads to its own citizens. In today’s upended order, muddles can become leverage and puddles may reflect grand ambition.

But no performance can indefinitely reconcile mediation abroad with repression within. Eventually, the mountains return the echo.

Agencies

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