Pakistan experienced its deadliest year in over a decade in 2025, with conflict-related deaths surging by 74 per cent to 3,413, according to data from the Pakistan Institute for Conflict and Security Studies (PICSS), an Islamabad-based think tank.

This marked a sharp escalation from the 1,950 fatalities recorded in 2024. The rise was primarily fuelled by a resurgence in Fedayeen attacks and the influx of US-origin weapons smuggled from Afghanistan following the US withdrawal.

The proliferation of advanced weaponry left behind in Afghanistan has significantly bolstered militant capabilities. After the Taliban seized control in 2021, they captured nearly a million US-funded weapons and items of military equipment. Reports indicate that around half a million of these have since gone missing, been sold, or smuggled to groups like the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) and others.

A United Nations report from February 2025 highlighted how al-Qaeda-linked outfits, including the TTP, the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan, and the East Turkestan Islamic Movement, have accessed these arms either directly from the Taliban or via black markets. This influx has enhanced the firepower and operational reach of militants, turning the weapons originally intended for counterterrorism against Pakistan itself.

Pakistan has repeatedly voiced concerns over this unaccounted American hardware, arguing that it has destabilised the region. The PICSS data underscores how these superior arms have contributed to the lethality of attacks, with more than half of the 2025 fatalities—2,138 individuals—being militants killed in intensified counterterrorism operations.

Suicide bombings, or fidayeen-style attacks, saw a dramatic 53 per cent increase, with PICSS documenting 26 such incidents in 2025. These strikes disproportionately targeted security forces, convoys, and installations linked to Chinese interests in Balochistan. The attacks reflect a broader resurgence of militancy, stretching the Pakistani military's resources thin.

Baloch separatist groups, including the Baloch Liberation Army (BLA), have intensified their insurgency, with women now playing prominent roles in resistance efforts.

A notable example occurred earlier in 2025 when Banuk Mahikan Baloch from Gwadar carried out a suicide attack on a Frontier Corps patrol in Kalat, killing one personnel and injuring three others. In total, PICSS recorded 1,066 militant attacks, many claimed by the TTP.

Pakistan's security forces bore the brunt of this violence, suffering 667 deaths—the highest annual toll since 2011 and a 26 per cent rise from 2024. Civilian casualties also climbed sharply to 580, the most since 2015, alongside 28 killings of pro-government peace committee members. These groups are often targeted for their cooperation with the state.

The TTP, which operates independently of Afghanistan's Taliban according to Kabul, escalated assaults particularly in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan. Militant fatalities surged by 124 per cent, largely due to aggressive Pakistani operations, as noted by PICSS Managing Director Abdullah Khan. He pointed out that the nature of militant violence has evolved, becoming more sophisticated and deadly.

This two-front internal war—militancy in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and ethno-nationalist insurgency in Balochistan—has overwhelmed the counterinsurgency capacity of the military under Field Marshal Asim Munir. President Asif Ali Zardari acknowledged the dire security situation in his New Year message, signalling national concern.

2025 exposed Pakistan to the blowback of its historical support for jihadist networks, once nurtured as strategic assets. The US-Afghan war flooded the region with arms and fighters, many of which have now turned inward with ferocity. PICSS data reveals the scale of this challenge, with militants comprising the largest fatality share amid stepped-up state responses.

Looking ahead, 2026 poses an uphill battle for Pakistan's forces. Analysts like former diplomat Maleeha Lodhi advocate a comprehensive approach, blending military action with socioeconomic, political, and community measures, rather than external blame.

Based On India Today Report