India Pulls The Plug On Russian Su-57 Acquisition, Focuses On Super Sukhoi Modernisation: Defence Secretary Rajesh K Singh

India’s Defence Secretary Rajesh Kumar Singh has confirmed that New Delhi will not pursue Russia’s Su-57 stealth fighter. He stated that India is not considering new Sukhoi variants and will instead modernise its Su-30MKI fleet.
Singh described the licence-built Su-30MKI as a proven backbone of the Indian Air Force. He emphasised that scarce capital will be directed toward sustainment and upgrades rather than an unproven fifth-generation foreign platform.
He said India is actively upgrading the Sukhois produced under licence from Russia. This marks a doctrinal pivot towards indigenous-heavy modernisation, self-reliance under Atmanirbhar Bharat, and sovereign fifth-generation development.
The decision has immediate strategic consequences. Russia’s Su-57E export campaign, promoted by President Vladimir Putin, now faces a hardened Indian refusal. This narrows Moscow’s pool of potential customers amid sanctions and industrial constraints.
Singh’s July stance is tougher than his March 2026 position, when he said no final call had been taken on Russian, American, or French offers. The reversal recalibrates Indo-Russian defence ties, even as India diversifies suppliers under a ten-year cooperation framework signed in December 2025.
Central to India’s plan is the “Super Sukhoi” mid-life upgrade. This program will transform about 260 Su-30MKIs into 4.5-plus-generation fighters with indigenous AESA radar and long-range precision weapons.
The Air Force currently fields 29 to 31 combat squadrons against a sanctioned strength of 42. MiG-21 retirements and attrition have worsened the shortfall. To restore numbers, India is advancing the MRFA competition for up to 114 Rafales, alongside the indigenous AMCA stealth fighter.
Operation Sindoor in May 2025 validated the Su-30MKI as a strike platform using BrahMos missiles. This reinforced arguments for upgrading proven mass rather than diverting funds to untested imports.
Singh’s July remarks closed the door on Su-57 acquisition. Defence analysts said this removes the fastest route to fifth-generation squadrons before AMCA matures. Every rupee spent on foreign stealth would be denied to Super Sukhoi, AMCA, and Tejas Mk2.
Singh highlighted BrahMos integration as proof of the Su-30MKI’s value. He said India prefers standoff strike reach over premature pursuit of stealth. The stance also signals Russia that India prioritises sovereignty and freedom from sanctions-related sustainment risks.
India still engages Russia on engines, upgrades, and spares to avoid jeopardising its Russian-origin fleet. The policy is not anti-Russian but reflects strategic autonomy, fiscal realism, and industrial self-reliance.
Russia’s Su-57E pitch included 36 to 40 aircraft, local assembly at HAL Nashik, AL-41 engine integration, and support for AMCA. Putin personally promoted joint production after Aero India 2025.
But sanctions have degraded Russia’s ability to source electronics, limiting Su-57 production. Indian planners doubted its maturity, stealth performance, and lifecycle costs. Sustaining a new type under sanctions was judged too risky.
India’s caution also stems from the failed FGFA program (2007–2018). That joint venture collapsed due to delays, costs, and disputes over technology transfer. The Air Force criticised the aircraft’s stealth and avionics. India withdrew in 2018, redirecting effort to AMCA.
The FGFA experience taught India that co-development without source-code sovereignty creates vulnerability. This explains scepticism toward fresh Su-57 offers.
The Super Sukhoi program, launched in 2024, focuses on upgrading in-service airframes. It includes the Virupaksha AESA radar, modern avionics, sensor fusion, secure datalinks, and advanced electronic warfare systems.
Weapons integrated include BrahMos variants, Astra missiles, and Rudram anti-radiation missiles. Indigenous content is targeted at 78 percent, embedding domestic industry across dozens of systems.
The first phase covers 84 aircraft led by HAL, DRDO, and private firms. Costs are estimated at around $7 billion, phased across tranches.
By upgrading proven airframes, India bridges the stealth gap until AMCA matures. This ensures sustainable operational mass without foreign dependency.
India’s force-structure shortfall drives urgency. MRFA discussions for Rafales are advancing, conditioned on domestic production and indigenous integration.
AMCA prototypes are targeted for 2028, with induction likely in the 2030s. This creates a stealth-capability window where adversaries may hold an advantage. Super Sukhoi and Rafales are intended to bridge this gap.
Operation Sindoor reinforced the Su-30MKI’s decisive role. The logistics footprint also favours domestic sustainment, reducing exposure to foreign supply disruptions.
India’s cumulative posture signals strategic autonomy. It integrates quantitative recovery through Rafales, qualitative uplift through Super Sukhoi, and sovereign fifth-generation ambition through AMCA. This layered force design hedges against Indo-Pacific volatility.
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