After Acquiring India’s Akash-1S, Armenia Eyes Upgraded Akash-NG Missiles As Global Export Momentum Builds

Armenia is now exploring India’s upgraded Akash-NG missile system after the combat success of Akash during Operation Sindoor in May 2025, marking a major step in its defence diversification away from Russia.

The system’s battlefield validation has also sparked interest from Brazil and the Philippines, positioning India as a rising global arms exporter.

Operation Sindoor gave India’s Akash missile family something no brochure could: a proven battlefield record. During the May 2025 conflict, Akash was deployed as part of India’s layered air-defence network against Pakistani drones and missiles. The government described its performance as “stellar”, a verdict that has transformed Akash from a domestic product into a globally marketable system.

Armenia, already a customer of Akash, Pinaka rocket launchers and Swathi radars, is now reportedly considering the Akash-NG. This next-generation variant offers extended range, faster reaction times and advanced radar technology, making it a significant upgrade over the Akash-1S. Armenia’s interest reflects its urgent need to strengthen deterrence against Azerbaijan, which is backed militarily by Türkiye and Pakistan.

The move also highlights Yerevan’s shift away from reliance on Russian-origin systems, a trend accelerated by Moscow’s reduced supply capacity due to the Ukraine war.

India has already delivered Akash-1S batteries to Armenia, with the first consignment arriving in late 2024. These included launchers, Rajendra fire-control radars and seeker-equipped missiles capable of intercepting aircraft, cruise missiles and drones at ranges of up to 30 kilometres.

The Akash-NG, however, extends engagement envelopes to nearly 70–80 kilometres, supported by Active Electronically Scanned Array (AESA) radars for superior detection and tracking. This capability leap is precisely why Armenia is keen to integrate the NG variant into its air-defence architecture.

Armenia’s defence modernisation program also includes discussions with India on Pralay tactical ballistic missiles and upgrades for Su-30 fighter aircraft.

Together, these acquisitions form part of a broader deterrence posture aimed at countering Azerbaijan’s expanding arsenal, which includes Turkish-origin drones and Pakistani-supplied JF-17 Block-III fighters. The Akash-NG would provide Armenia with a more layered and survivable air-defence shield, complementing its existing systems.

The bigger story is India’s emergence as a credible arms exporter. Operation Sindoor has changed the sales pitch permanently, giving Indian systems combat validation that resonates with potential buyers. Brazil and the Philippines are among the countries reportedly evaluating Akash variants, with the Philippines particularly interested in affordable air-defence solutions to counter regional threats in the South China Sea. Brazil, meanwhile, is exploring options to strengthen its air-defence network amid growing concerns over aerial incursions and regional instability.

India’s defence industry, led by Bharat Electronics Limited, Bharat Dynamics Limited, Larsen & Toubro and Tata Advanced Systems, has demonstrated the ability to deliver complex systems in partnership.

This collaborative ecosystem is now being showcased to international buyers, with Akash serving as the flagship product. The missile’s export momentum underscores India’s ambition to become a major supplier of affordable, combat-proven technology to countries across Central Asia, Southeast Asia, Africa and Latin America.

Difference Between The Two Systems

System	Range	Key Advantage	Notes
Akash-1S	~30 km	Indigenous active seeker	Affordable, proven, effective against drones/aircraft
Akash-NG	70–80 km	AESA radar, improved reaction time	Advanced detection, longer reach, modern threat handling

The Akash-NG’s success will be a litmus test for India’s defence export strategy. If Armenia proceeds with procurement, it will not only strengthen Yerevan’s security but also validate India’s role as a reliable supplier of advanced air-defence systems.

For Brazil and the Philippines, the system’s battlefield record offers reassurance that they are investing in proven technology rather than untested prototypes.

India’s rise as an arms exporter is reshaping regional dynamics. By supplying Armenia, New Delhi is indirectly countering the Türkiye–Pakistan–Azerbaijan nexus in the Caucasus.

By courting Brazil and the Philippines, it is extending its defence footprint into Latin America and Southeast Asia. The Akash-NG thus represents more than a missile—it is a symbol of India’s growing strategic reach.

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EAM Jaishankar Strengthens Strategic Partnerships With Oman, UK, Netherlands And Philippines On ASEAN Sidelines

External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar held a series of bilateral meetings in Manila on Thursday on the sidelines of the ASEAN-related Foreign Ministers’ Meetings.

His engagements included discussions with representatives from Oman, the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, the Philippines and the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East.

He met Oman's Foreign Minister Sayyid Badr bin Hamad Al Busaidi, where both leaders exchanged views on recent developments in the Gulf region. Jaishankar expressed appreciation for the meeting and confirmed that they agreed to remain in touch.

In his first meeting with the newly appointed UK Foreign Secretary Edward Miliband, Jaishankar congratulated him on his appointment. The two leaders discussed advancing India-UK ties following the implementation of the recently concluded Free Trade Agreement. They agreed to build on the positive momentum generated by the FTA and strengthen the Comprehensive Strategic Partnership.

Jaishankar also met Christian Saunders, Commissioner-General ad interim and Acting Commissioner-General of UNRWA. Their discussions focused on India’s humanitarian support, including contributions and commitments made at the recent Donors Conference in health and capacity building.

During his meeting with Dutch Foreign Minister Tom Berendsen, Jaishankar reviewed the outcomes of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s recent visit to the Netherlands in May. They discussed implementing the newly elevated Strategic Partnership between the two countries. Jaishankar highlighted that the elevation of ties has opened new avenues of cooperation in semiconductors, water resources, green hydrogen, health and culture.

The External Affairs Minister also called on Philippine President Bongbong Marcos Jr. He conveyed Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s greetings and reaffirmed India’s support for the Philippines’ ASEAN chairship. He emphasised that India-Philippines cooperation under the Strategic Partnership continues to diversify through the implementation of the India-Philippines Plan of Action 2025-2029.

Jaishankar’s two-day visit to Manila included participation in several foreign minister-level meetings. These comprised the ASEAN-India Foreign Ministers’ Meeting, the East Asia Summit Foreign Ministers’ Meeting and the ASEAN Regional Forum meetings. He also attended the Quad Foreign Ministers’ Meeting, where India, the United States, Japan and Australia reaffirmed their commitment to a free and open Indo-Pacific and expressed support for ASEAN centrality.

His engagements in Manila underscored India’s active diplomatic outreach, strengthening bilateral partnerships, supporting humanitarian initiatives and reinforcing multilateral cooperation in the Indo-Pacific region.

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Philippines Envoy Says BrahMos Provides Credible Deterrence, India Seen As Top Security Provider

The Philippines has described the BrahMos supersonic cruise missile system as providing it with “credible deterrence” in the South China Sea, according to Ambassador Josel F Ignacio.

He emphasised that the acquisition of the missile system has been a milestone in India-Philippines defence cooperation, strengthening Manila’s ability to counter China’s growing presence in the contested maritime region.

Ignacio noted that the BrahMos deal marked a high point in bilateral defence ties, building upon earlier agreements signed more than a decade ago. He explained that while defence cooperation had existed for years, the acquisition of BrahMos represented a blossoming of equipment collaboration in recent times. 

The envoy highlighted that India’s expanding indigenous defence industry, with its growing capabilities and reliable products, has positioned New Delhi as one of Manila’s top potential providers for future acquisitions.

He stressed that India’s role among the Philippines’ defence partners has grown significantly. Philippine defence officials now routinely explore opportunities to source capabilities from India, placing New Delhi alongside Manila’s traditional partners. Ignacio explained that India is now firmly present in the minds of the Philippine military establishment when drawing up acquisition plans and shopping lists for defence needs.

On the operational impact of BrahMos, Ignacio said the system has enhanced Manila’s deterrence posture in the West Philippine Sea. He underlined that the Philippines’ goal has always been defence-oriented, aiming not only to build deterrence but credible deterrence.

The BrahMos, with its speed and range, provides that capability. He added that the system bestows on the Philippines a measure of anti-access and area denial capability, raising the costs for any potential aggressor and reconfiguring operational calculations in the event of conflict.

Ignacio clarified that the Philippines’ defence posture remains focused on maintaining peace and safeguarding national security. He reiterated that the country is peace-loving, a friend to all and enemy to none, but must nonetheless look to its own defences. The BrahMos, he said, provides Manila with the necessary capability to do so.

The Philippines became the first export customer for the BrahMos system, jointly developed by India and Russia. In January 2022, Manila signed a $375 million deal with India for three batteries of the shore-based anti-ship variant. India delivered the first batch in 2024, marking a major step in bilateral defence cooperation.

The two countries have since expanded their security ties through defence equipment cooperation, military exchanges, and discussions on maritime security in the Indo-Pacific.

India’s growing defence export program has made it an increasingly important partner for Southeast Asian nations seeking cost-effective and reliable deterrence capabilities.

The BrahMos system, already deployed in the Philippines, is seen as a cornerstone of Manila’s anti-access and area denial strategy, particularly in contested maritime zones.

Its integration into the Philippines’ defence posture underscores the broader regional trend of adopting missile-based deterrence strategies to counterbalance China’s naval expansion.

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Philippines Very Favourably Backs India’s UNSC Candidature

The Philippines has indicated that it very favourably considers India’s candidature for a non‑permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council for the 2028‑2029 term very favourably.

Philippine Ambassador to India Josel F Ignacio explained that while decisions on such candidatures are usually finalised closer to the voting date, there is optimism based on the convergence of positions between Manila and New Delhi on key UNSC issues.

Ignacio emphasised that India and the Philippines share similar views on reforms of the Security Council, covering both permanent and non‑permanent membership. He noted that these shared advocacies and positions provide a strong basis for expecting favourable consideration of India’s bid.

He clarified, however, that a final decision would only be taken closer to the voting process. He added a caveat that decisions of this nature are firmed up nearer to the date of the election.

India officially launched its campaign for the UNSC seat on 13 July. External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar addressed the UN headquarters in New York, presenting India’s priorities, peacekeeping record and commitment to multilateralism. He underlined that the world is facing growing conflict and instability, making the role of the UN and the Security Council more critical than ever.

EAM Jaishankar described India’s candidature as timely, given the paradox of increasing global interdependence alongside rising violence and instability. He stated that member states would naturally assess both India’s vision for addressing global challenges and its track record in contributing to international peace and security.

He explained that India’s campaign rests on two pillars: its vision of priorities for the UN and its proven record of supporting peacekeeping and multilateralism. He highlighted India’s longstanding contributions to UN peacekeeping missions, with nearly 300,000 personnel deployed across about 50 missions since the organisation’s inception.

India’s approach to global governance was outlined through the SHANTI vision, which stands for Securing Holistic Advancement through Norms, Trust and Integrity.

EAM Jaishankar stressed that peace, progress and prosperity cannot be sustained in fragmented ways, and that respect for global order and rules is essential. He said India offers this principle as its guiding approach to building a secure, peaceful and equitable world.

India’s campaign also reflects its consistent advocacy for reforms of the Security Council to better represent contemporary realities and the aspirations of the Global South. As a founding member of the UN, India has supported the Charter’s purposes and contributed to the evolution of specialised programs and agencies.

The Philippines’ favourable stance adds weight to India’s diplomatic efforts, reinforcing the sense that India’s candidature is gaining traction among member states that share its vision for reform and multilateral cooperation.

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QUAD Partners 'Essential' For 'Free And Open' Indo-Pacific: US Envoy Sergio Gor Ahead of Manila Summit

US Ambassador to India Sergio Gor has underlined the indispensable role of Washington’s Quad partners in securing a free and open Indo-Pacific. His remarks came ahead of a major diplomatic engagement in Southeast Asia, where he will join US Secretary of State Marco Rubio for the second Quad Ministerial meeting of the year.

In a post on X, Ambassador Gor expressed his anticipation for the upcoming program, stating that the United States remains firmly committed to the Indo-Pacific vision and that Quad partners are essential in achieving this goal. His statement reinforced Washington’s emphasis on regional security frameworks and collective resilience.

The announcement followed confirmation from the US Department of State that Secretary Rubio is visiting Manila between 19 and 23 July to participate in a series of ASEAN summits. The department highlighted that the visit would demonstrate tangible results of the US-ASEAN partnership while deepening Washington’s comprehensive partnership with the Philippines.

The State Department stressed that the mission advances a clear priority: ensuring a free and open Indo-Pacific that delivers safety, security, and prosperity for both the region and the American people. This reflects the broader strategic and commercial pillars of US foreign policy in Asia.

During the five-day program, Secretary Rubio will attend the ASEAN Post-Ministerial Conference, the East Asia Summit Foreign Ministers’ Meeting, and the ASEAN Regional Forum Foreign Ministers’ Meeting. These engagements are expected to provide platforms for advancing multilateral cooperation and addressing pressing regional challenges.

In addition to these multilateral dialogues, the Secretary will hold bilateral talks with senior dignitaries from various Indo-Pacific nations. These meetings will take place on the margins of the main conferences, allowing for targeted discussions on security, trade, and strategic cooperation.

The timing of Rubio’s arrival coincides with a broader assembly of international foreign ministers in Manila, convened under the Philippines’ current ASEAN chairmanship. This convergence underscores the Philippines’ pivotal role in hosting high-profile diplomatic events during its tenure.

From 19 to 24 July, Manila is hosting the ASEAN Foreign Ministers’ Meeting, the Post-Ministerial Conferences, and a commemorative event marking the 50th anniversary of the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia. This milestone celebration highlights ASEAN’s enduring commitment to peace and cooperation in the region.

The week-long gathering will bring together foreign ministers from across Asia alongside key international dialogue partners. The presence of Quad representatives, ASEAN members, and other global stakeholders is expected to reinforce the Indo-Pacific’s centrality in contemporary geopolitics.

The Manila summit builds upon earlier Quad engagements, including the New Delhi ministerial and the upcoming Philippines meeting, signalling continuity in Washington’s Indo-Pacific strategy. The emphasis on maritime security, freedom of navigation, and a rules-based order remains at the forefront of these discussions.

By aligning Quad priorities with ASEAN’s regional agenda, the United States seeks to strengthen multilateral frameworks and ensure that the Indo-Pacific remains resilient against emerging challenges. The convergence of Quad and ASEAN diplomacy in Manila reflects a deliberate effort to integrate strategic visions and foster collective security.

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India’s BrahMos Missile Arc Redefines South China Sea Deterrence

India’s BrahMos missile exports are reshaping the South China Sea security environment by creating a distributed anti-access network across Southeast Asia.

With the Philippines already deploying, Vietnam signing a major deal, and Indonesia joining through a $600 million package, China now faces a layered deterrence arc that complicates its naval operations and strategic planning.

India’s BrahMos missile exports have become a central pillar of its Indo-Pacific strategy. The Philippines was the first to acquire the system, signing a $375 million deal in 2022. Deliveries began in 2024, with batteries deployed across Luzon and the Luzon Strait, critical choke points for monitoring Chinese naval movements. Manila has since been offered extended-range variants, enhancing its ability to deter hostile fleets across wider maritime corridors.

Vietnam followed in May 2026, signing a deal worth approximately $700 million. This acquisition adds a powerful node to its layered coastal defence network, which already includes Russian Bastion-P systems, Kilo-class submarines, and Su-30 fighter jets. Integrating BrahMos strengthens Hanoi’s deterrence posture and raises the costs of coercion against its territorial claims in the South China Sea.

Indonesia became the third operator in July 2026, signing a defence package exceeding $600 million. This included BrahMos missiles, ASTRA MK-1 air-to-air missiles, and joint development of Sabang Port overlooking the Strait of Malacca.

The port’s location, near India’s Great Nicobar transhipment hub, underscores the strategic depth of the agreement. Indonesia’s entry completes a triangle of BrahMos operators, forming a missile arc across the South China Sea.

Together, these deals amount to over $1.7 billion in missile sales. They represent more than isolated procurements; they establish a layered maritime denial corridor stretching across critical sea lanes linking the Western Pacific to the Indian Ocean. This distributed network forces adversaries to allocate greater resources to surveillance, missile defence, and force protection measures.

The BrahMos missile itself is a formidable weapon. Jointly developed by India’s DRDO and Russia’s NPO Mashinostroyenia, it travels at Mach 2.8–3, nearly three times the speed of sound. Its extended-range variants exceed 400 kilometres, and its versatility allows launches from land, sea, air, and submarine platforms.

Its sea-skimming flight profile, high terminal energy, and resistance to electronic jamming make it extremely difficult to intercept. Defence analysts compare it to China’s YJ-12, but note BrahMos is among the fastest operational cruise missiles available globally.

For Southeast Asian states with limited naval forces, BrahMos offers a cost-effective deterrence strategy. Rather than building massive fleets, they can deploy concealed coastal batteries along islands and chokepoints. This Anti-Access/Area Denial (A2/AD) doctrine allows smaller states to impose operational risks on larger navies, compelling them to operate more cautiously in contested waters.

India’s export diplomacy is closely tied to its Act East policy. By supplying BrahMos, New Delhi strengthens regional partnerships without deploying its own forces. These agreements also include training, maintenance, logistics, and operational support, creating enduring military relationships. The missile’s success has boosted BrahMos Aerospace’s revenues, with FY26 figures crossing ₹5,200 crore, underscoring India’s rise as a global defence supplier.

China’s naval dominance is now challenged by dispersed missile networks rather than rival fleets. Beijing must reconsider its deployments, as aggressive maritime actions risk heavy operational costs. The timing of India’s deals has coincided with Chinese demonstrations of power, such as submarine-launched ballistic missile tests, highlighting the escalating strategic competition.

After decades India is taking exacting revenge on the missile, submarines, air defence systems and other key weapons proliferation to Pakistan by China. By arming China’s neighbours with BrahMos, India has effectively mirrored Beijing’s strategy of empowering Pakistan, but with far greater strategic consequences across the Indo‑Pacific.

The encirclement of the South China Sea with BrahMos batteries represents a turning point in regional security. It signals a decisive shift toward cost-effective deterrence strategies and consolidates India’s role as a trusted defence partner shaping the Indo-Pacific’s security architecture.

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The Indo‑BrahMos Pivot: How India Shut The US Out of The Indo‑Pacific

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Indo‑Pacific strategy has entered a decisive phase, with the BrahMos supersonic cruise missile emerging as the spearhead of India’s diplomatic and military outreach.

By finalising deals with Vietnam, Indonesia and the Philippines, New Delhi has effectively positioned itself to control the Malacca and Lombok straits, two of the most critical maritime choke-points in global trade.

This move is widely seen as a direct challenge to traditional Western dominance in the region, particularly the United States, which has long sought to maintain primacy in Indo‑Pacific security architecture.

The BrahMos missile, jointly developed by India and Russia, has become a symbol of India’s rise as a defence exporter. Its deployment across Southeast Asia signals a new era of deterrence, where regional partners are empowered to resist coercion and assert sovereignty.

For Vietnam, the acquisition of BrahMos strengthens its ability to counter Chinese assertiveness in the South China Sea. Indonesia’s decision to proceed with the deal reflects its determination to secure its archipelago waters, while the Philippines views the missile as a critical tool in defending its maritime claims.

India’s strategy is not limited to defence hardware. Modi’s diplomacy has been accompanied by a surge in diaspora engagement, particularly in Australia and New Zealand. Large‑scale community events have reinforced cultural bonds while simultaneously projecting India’s soft power.

The Indian diaspora in these countries has become a bridge for deeper economic and strategic cooperation, ensuring that ties extend beyond government‑to‑government agreements.

Australia has already identified India as a top‑tier security partner in its National Defence Strategy 2026, and New Zealand has moved closer to India through trade and people‑to‑people initiatives.

These developments highlight how New Delhi is building alliances based on mutual trust and shared interests, contrasting with Western approaches that often produce dependent relationships rather than equal partnerships.

The Indo‑Pacific is undergoing a profound transformation. India’s Act East Policy and MAHASAGAR vision are being translated into tangible outcomes, with defence, trade, technology and connectivity forming the pillars of engagement.

By combining hard power through missile diplomacy with soft power via diaspora mobilisation, India has crafted a unique model of influence that resonates across the region.

The United States, once the uncontested leader in Indo‑Pacific affairs, now finds its role diminished as regional nations increasingly look to India for leadership.

Washington’s shifting priorities and transactional approach under President Donald Trump have accelerated this trend, leaving space for New Delhi to step in as a dependable partner.

PM Modi’s strategy has effectively rewritten the rules of engagement, creating an alliance of real friends rather than reluctant dependents.

India’s rise in the Indo‑Pacific is not merely about countering China or side-lining the United States. It is about establishing a new equilibrium where regional nations collaborate on equal terms, pooling resources and strengthening resilience.

The BrahMos missile deals are emblematic of this shift, but the broader picture is one of India positioning itself as the anchor of a multipolar Indo‑Pacific order.

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Jakarta Could Plug Into India’s BrahMos Ring Around China

India’s expansion of BrahMos missile exports is rapidly reshaping the strategic balance in Southeast Asia. Indonesia is now considering a landmark defence agreement that would make it the third regional operator of the system.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s forthcoming trip to Jakarta has drawn significant attention, with officials negotiating terms that go beyond routine defence exports. If finalised, the deal would link Indonesia with the Philippines and Vietnam, creating a connected network of BrahMos deployments across the South China Sea.

The Philippines was the first to acquire the system, using it to secure its maritime borders. Vietnam has recently joined the list of active operators, integrating BrahMos into its layered coastal defence. 

Indonesia’s entry would expand India’s strategic footprint, providing regional capitals with a powerful deterrent against hostile naval forces. For New Delhi, these agreements are not merely transactional. 

They establish enduring military relationships that encompass training, maintenance, logistics and operational support. This approach offers Southeast Asian states a strategic alternative to reliance on a US-led containment framework.

Malaysia and Thailand have also expressed active interest in acquiring the weapon. If these discussions mature into contracts, a formidable chain of coastal batteries would be positioned around Asia’s most contested waters.

The South China Sea is a vital global trade artery, facilitating trillions of dollars’ worth of goods annually. It is also a theatre of overlapping territorial claims involving China, Vietnam, the Philippines and Malaysia. Beijing has long enjoyed a military advantage, constructing artificial islands, expanding infrastructure and deploying advanced naval and coast guard forces to pressure smaller states.

For years, Southeast Asian nations lacked credible means to impose costs on Chinese operations. The challenge was not China’s ability to dominate the sea, but the inability of smaller states to threaten Chinese vessels near disputed areas.

This equation changes when coastal states acquire high-speed anti-ship missiles capable of striking deep into contested waters. By exploiting their geographic advantages, these nations can position concealed batteries along coastlines, islands and chokepoints. This distributed network allows smaller forces to effectively threaten hostile naval movements without needing massive fleets.

The BrahMos missile, travelling at velocities approaching Mach 3, compresses an adversary’s reaction window during maritime engagements. Defence analysts highlight its severe threat to large naval and coast guard platforms.

Combining extreme speed, deep penetration capability and resistance to electronic jamming, BrahMos is regarded as one of the most dangerous coastal defence weapons available.

Its growing adoption reflects shifting regional perceptions of the United States. With uncertainty surrounding Washington’s long-term Indo-Pacific focus, Southeast Asian nations are investing in their own deterrent capabilities rather than relying solely on American presence.

Deploying these advanced batteries forces stronger navies to operate more cautiously. China’s navy remains the largest in Asia, with vast resources and shipbuilding capacity. Yet a South China Sea bordered by multiple BrahMos operators becomes significantly harder to dominate. Chinese commanders navigating contested waters face a changed operational reality.

Hostile warships must remain farther from disputed areas, while adversary fleets are compelled to devote more resources to air defence systems. The distributed batteries convince opposing forces that aggressive maritime actions will extract heavy operational costs.

India’s strategy of building a “strategic missile belt” across Southeast Asia is therefore not only about exports but about shaping the regional security environment. By linking the Philippines, Vietnam, Indonesia and potentially Malaysia and Thailand, New Delhi is constructing a deterrence arc that complicates China’s naval calculus.

This networked approach strengthens India’s Act East policy, enhances its credibility as a defence partner and signals a decisive shift in the Indo-Pacific’s balance of power.

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India And Japan Strengthen Quad Commitment, Launch New Dialogue With Philippines

Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi have reaffirmed their strong commitment to the Quad framework during high-level bilateral talks in New Delhi.

Both leaders stressed that the growing cooperation between India and Japan will directly strengthen and complement the broader Quad efforts, with a clear focus on ensuring a resilient and prosperous Indo-Pacific. They also announced plans to fast-track the upcoming Quad Leaders’ Summit, signalling a renewed urgency in advancing collective strategic priorities.

According to the joint statement released by the Ministry of External Affairs, the two leaders pledged to deepen practical cooperation across the four foundational pillars of the alliance. These include maritime and transnational security, economic prosperity with a particular emphasis on critical minerals, critical and emerging technologies, and humanitarian response. This comprehensive agenda reflects the Quad’s evolving role in addressing both traditional and non-traditional security challenges in the region.

Reiterating their support for ASEAN centrality and unity, Modi and Takaichi explicitly backed the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific. They emphasised that ASEAN’s role remains indispensable in promoting regional peace and stability.

In a significant diplomatic expansion, the two prime ministers agreed to initiate preparations for an inaugural trilateral 1.5 track policy dialogue with the Philippines. This move is intended to promote stability in the region by broadening the network of like-minded partners and enhancing cooperative frameworks.

The joint statement placed particular emphasis on securing critical mineral supply chains, recognising the vulnerabilities inherent in modern technology manufacturing. Both leaders pledged to tighten cooperation through global financial mechanisms to reduce reliance on single-source suppliers.

They agreed to leverage major multilateral initiatives such as the World Bank Group’s Resilient and Inclusive Supply-chain Enhancement Partnership and the Asian Development Bank’s Critical Minerals-to-Manufacturing Financing Partnership Facility. These mechanisms will be used to build robust and diversified infrastructure across Asia, ensuring long-term resilience.

Energy security was another major focus of the talks. The two prime ministers agreed to explore collaborative opportunities, including joint investments, across the maritime energy transport value chain.

They highlighted the importance of regional initiatives aimed at strengthening energy resilience, citing Japan’s Partnership On Wide Energy and Resources Resilience, India’s support to energy security in South Asia, and the Quad Initiative on Indo-Pacific Energy Security. The leaders welcomed the formal adoption of a Joint Statement on Energy Resilience, which underscores the collective determination to fortify energy architecture across the Indo-Pacific.

In addition, Modi and Takaichi concurred on strengthening cooperation on strategic petroleum reserves. They pledged closer technical collaboration and the exchange of best practices regarding the strategic stockpiling ecosystem.

Against this backdrop of growing energy alignment, Prime Minister Takaichi affirmed Japan’s support for India’s full membership in the International Energy Agency, a move that would significantly enhance India’s role in global energy governance.

This reaffirmation of ties and expansion of cooperation took place during Takaichi’s three-day official visit to India from 1 to 3 July, at the invitation of Prime Minister Modi.

The visit included her participation in the 16th India-Japan Annual Summit, where both leaders reviewed the full spectrum of bilateral cooperation and discussed regional and global issues of mutual interest. Takaichi also took part in the India-Japan Business Forum alongside Modi, further strengthening economic and commercial linkages between the two nations.

The outcomes of these talks highlight the strategic convergence between India and Japan, not only within the Quad framework but also in their bilateral relationship. By expanding cooperation into new areas such as trilateral dialogues and critical mineral supply chains, both nations are signalling their intent to play a decisive role in shaping the future of the Indo-Pacific.

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Canada, Thailand, Italy And Philippines Seek Stronger Space Partnerships With India

Canada, Thailand, Italy and the Philippines have all signalled strong intent to deepen space cooperation with India, focusing on commercial development, satellite applications, and advanced technologies.

The India Space Congress 2026 has become a pivotal platform for these nations to align with India’s growing space ecosystem, which is increasingly driven by private sector participation and international partnerships.

At the 5th edition of the India Space Congress 2026, Ed Jager, Minister (Commercial) at the High Commission of Canada in India, emphasised the opportunities for deeper India–Canada engagement in the commercial space sector.

He noted that India’s extraordinary launch capability and cost-effective mission design complement Canada’s expertise in robotics, Earth observation, and advanced space hardware manufacturing.

He stressed that both countries are seeking international partnerships that deliver tangible value rather than symbolic gestures, and India fits this profile as a large, ambitious, and technically sophisticated partner.

Phee Choosri, Deputy Executive Director at Thailand’s Geo-informatics and Space Technology Development Agency (GISTDA), praised the Indian Space Research Organisation’s PSLV launcher for its high success rate and cost-effectiveness.

He called for stronger industry-led partnerships between India and Thailand to unlock new commercial opportunities, highlighting that satellites and space activities represent the future of business. This builds upon discussions held last year between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Thailand’s Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra, which covered defence, security, science, technology, innovation, and space cooperation.

Dr Gay Jane Perez, Director General of the Philippine Space Agency (PhilSA), reinforced the momentum for regional cooperation by underlining opportunities for collaboration between India and the Philippines in satellite applications.

She emphasised that the transformative potential of space science and technology must be harnessed collectively to ensure outer space remains accessible and beneficial for present and future generations. 

The Philippines expressed readiness to work with India and other international partners to address emerging challenges and seize new opportunities.

India’s collaboration with Italy was also highlighted under the India–Italy Joint Declaration. The Indian Space Research Organisation and the Italian Space Agency are deepening cooperation in heliophysics, Earth observation, and space exploration.

Dr Sergio Ledda, Scientific Attaché at the Italian Embassy, stated that the strength of India–Italy collaboration lies not only in technology but also in a shared vision for the future. He noted that the complementary nature of both countries’ companies creates opportunities for knowledge exchange, partnership building, and joint growth.

He stressed that safety, resilience, and sustainability must remain the guiding pillars of international cooperation and innovation in space.

The Congress also examined how artificial intelligence, advanced analytics, geospatial intelligence, Earth observation, and next-generation computing are transforming the space sector. Dr Shailesh Nayak, Director of NIAS and former Secretary of the Ministry of Earth Sciences, observed that the future value of the space economy will depend on converting vast streams of space-derived data into actionable intelligence.

He explained that multi-dimensional data across space, time, and spectral domains, when combined with socio-economic, health, security, and environmental information, can support applications ranging from local to global scales. He emphasised that AI-driven algorithms will play a critical role in advancing Sustainable Development Goal indicators.

The India Space Congress 2026, themed “Reimagining Space. Reinventing Collaboration. Realising the Next Era of Space,” has brought together over 700 delegates from 25 countries, including policymakers, industry leaders, researchers, and investors.

It has underscored India’s emergence as a central hub for global space collaboration, with more than 300 private space start-ups and expanding international alliances shaping the country’s defining decade in space.

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India Occupies Prominent And Impactful Place, India A Powerful Partner Shaping Ties Says Philippine Envoy

The Philippine Ambassador to India, Josel F Ignacio, underscored the growing depth of India-Philippines relations during a diplomatic reception in New Delhi marking the 128th Anniversary of Philippine Independence.

He stated that India occupies a “prominent and impactful place” in Manila’s foreign policy, a position reinforced by expanding trade, defence cooperation, and the elevation of bilateral ties to a strategic partnership. His remarks highlighted the Philippines’ role as a fast-growing economy and a responsible stakeholder in the international community, resilient to global headwinds and committed to multilateralism.

Ambassador Ignacio emphasised that the Philippines, currently chairing the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), has adopted the theme “Navigating Our Future Together.” He explained that this theme reflects the reality that in a rapidly changing global environment, no country or business can move forward alone. Instead, nations must collectively navigate uncertainty, transformation, and opportunity.

He outlined three guiding pillars of the Philippines’ ASEAN chairmanship: peace and security, prosperity, and people empowerment. Peace and security were described as anchored in dialogue, adherence to international law, and strengthened cooperation against both traditional and non-traditional threats. Prosperity corridors were defined as systemic connections towards shared prosperity through economic integration, digital transformation, and inclusive sustainable development. People empowerment was highlighted as a vital pillar to ensure that growth benefits all.

Turning to bilateral relations, the ambassador noted that India-Philippines ties have witnessed sustained growth across multiple sectors. He stressed that the partnership with India occupies a prominent and impactful place in the Philippines’ network of relationships, marked by consistent high points. Bilateral trade has breached record levels year after year, now standing at almost USD 4 billion.

He also drew attention to the expanding defence relationship, underscored by the presence of India’s Minister of State for Defence, Sanjay Seth, at the event. Defence cooperation now spans equipment, military education and training, and increasingly maritime cooperative activities, reflecting the upward trajectory of security collaboration.

Ambassador Ignacio further highlighted that political ties between the two countries are at an all-time high following the decision by Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi to elevate bilateral relations to a strategic partnership during President Marcos’ visit to India in August last year.

He emphasised that India is only the Philippines’ fifth strategic partner, a fact that attests to India’s valued place in Manila’s foreign policy. This elevation carries particular significance for the Philippines, given the rarity and importance of such partnerships in the current global environment.

The envoy’s remarks reflect the broader trajectory of India-Philippines relations, which are increasingly characterised by economic dynamism, defence cooperation, and strategic alignment within the Indo-Pacific framework. The Philippines’ ASEAN chairmanship provides an additional platform to reinforce these ties, with India seen as a crucial partner in advancing peace, prosperity, and people-centred development across the region.

Alternative Headline: India And Philippines Deepen Strategic Partnership Amid Expanding Trade And Defence Cooperation

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India Extends Solidarity As Deadly Earthquake Devastates Mindanao, Philippines

Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Monday conveyed his condolences following the devastating earthquake that struck the southern Philippines.

The tremor, measured at 7.8 magnitude, hit off the coast of Mindanao at 7:37 am local time, making it the strongest earthquake to affect the country in half a century according to the United States Geological Survey. The disaster has left at least 32 people dead, dozens injured, and caused widespread destruction across several provinces.

In his message on X, the Prime Minister expressed grief over the tragic loss of lives and destruction. He extended heartfelt condolences to the bereaved families and wished for the speedy recovery of those injured. Modi emphasised that India stands in solidarity with the people and Government of the Philippines during this difficult time, underscoring the importance of international support in the face of natural calamities.

Reports from civil defence officials highlighted the scale of the disaster. Nineteen deaths were recorded in Sarangani and South Cotabato provinces, while a landslide triggered by the quake claimed thirteen more lives in Glan, Sarangani. Rodrigo O Sosmen, a senior official at the national Office of Civil Defense in General Santos, stated that the full extent of the damage was still being assessed, noting that numerous structures had sustained cracks and were at risk.

Authorities confirmed that around 134 people were injured and nearly 70,000 residents displaced, with several individuals still missing. Rescue operations are ongoing as emergency teams work to locate survivors and provide relief.

The Philippine News Agency reported that the Department of Social Welfare and Development (DSWD), under Secretary Rex Gatchalian, has mobilised resources to support affected communities. Over 1.1 million family food packs are available in Mindanao for immediate distribution, while 4.7 million packs have been prepositioned nationwide for disaster response.

The DSWD’s Disaster Response Management Group has activated Quick Response Teams across Field Offices to coordinate with local government units. Social workers have been deployed to evacuation centres to assist families, while mobile command centres and kitchens are being set up to provide essential services. Gatchalian stressed that the department is fully prepared to deliver immediate assistance, ensuring that affected families receive food, shelter, and psychosocial support during the crisis.

The earthquake has drawn international attention, with India’s expression of solidarity reflecting its broader commitment to humanitarian support and disaster relief in the Indo-Pacific region.

The tragedy underscores the vulnerability of the Philippines to seismic activity, given its location along the Pacific Ring of Fire, and highlights the importance of preparedness and resilience in disaster-prone areas.

ANI

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India And Philippines Advance Economic Cooperation At 14th Joint Working Group Meeting

The fourteenth meeting of the India-Philippines Joint Working Group on Trade and Investment was convened in Manila, Philippines, on Friday. The discussions highlighted the strong upward trajectory of bilateral trade, which reached USD 3.9 billion in 2025-26, reflecting robust growth and expanding economic engagement between the two nations.

Both sides acknowledged this progress and examined trends in trade and investment, identifying priority products and services while also considering promotional activities and cooperation across multiple fields.

The meeting explored potential areas of collaboration in diverse sectors such as film, energy, construction and infrastructure, ICT/IT-BPM/AI, and pharmaceuticals.

It was agreed that deeper cooperation in these domains could deliver sustained long-term benefits, enabling both countries to pursue developmental goals more effectively while reinforcing a framework of mutual support. This approach reflects the growing emphasis on sectoral diversification in bilateral economic relations.

Improving the business environment to facilitate trade was another key focus of the discussions. Customs cooperation and facilitation were addressed, alongside agricultural cooperation and market access for specific products. The possibility of trade settlement in national currencies was also considered, reflecting a broader regional trend towards reducing dependence on third-country currencies in bilateral trade.

The meeting was co-chaired by Amit Verma, Joint Secretary, Department of Commerce, Ministry of Commerce and Industry of India, and Allan B. Gepty, Undersecretary, Department of Trade and Industry, International Trade Group of the Philippines. Representatives from concerned Ministries, Departments, and Organisations also participated through video conferencing, ensuring a wide-ranging and inclusive dialogue.

Another important aspect of the meeting was the discussion on the early conclusion of the ASEAN-India Trade in Goods Agreement (AITIGA) Review. Both sides emphasised the importance of this process and agreed that a bilateral India-Philippines Preferential Trade Agreement could follow thereafter.

This reflects the strategic intent to deepen economic integration within the ASEAN framework while simultaneously strengthening bilateral arrangements.

On the sidelines of the 14th JWGTI, an interaction with Indian businesses operating in the Philippines was held on 4 June 2026. This provided a platform for discussions on trade, investment, market opportunities, and ways to further deepen India-Philippines commercial ties.

Such engagements underline the importance of private sector participation in shaping the trajectory of bilateral economic relations.

The meeting underscored the strategic importance of strengthening bilateral economic ties and reaffirmed both countries’ commitment to building a more dynamic and mutually beneficial partnership. 

It also served as a platform for India and the Philippines to exchange perspectives on global, regional, and bilateral developments, with a strong emphasis on enhancing trade in goods and services and investment ties. The next meeting of the Joint Working Group will be held in New Delhi, India, continuing the momentum of this dialogue.

ANI

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Why Is Vietnam Tooling Up With India's Deadly BrahMos Supersonic Cruise Missiles

INS Chennai stealth destroyer firing a BrahMos missile during a routine validation exercise

Vietnam has officially signed a $629 million deal with India for BrahMos supersonic cruise missiles, confirmed at the Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore.

This acquisition significantly strengthens Vietnam’s coastal defence posture in the South China Sea, where Chinese militarisation of disputed islands has raised tensions.

Vietnam has become the latest Southeast Asian nation to procure the BrahMos missile system, joining the Philippines as confirmed operators, with Indonesia also nearing a similar agreement. The deal, valued at approximately ₹60 billion ($629 million), was signed earlier in March and publicly acknowledged by India’s Defence Secretary Rajesh Kumar Singh at the Shangri-La Dialogue.

From the scale of the contract, Vietnam is expected to receive six coastal batteries, complete with integrated logistics support, operator training, and technical instruction for maintenance personnel. This marks one of Vietnam’s largest defence acquisitions in recent years.

The BrahMos missile is a two-stage, solid-fuelled supersonic cruise missile capable of speeds between Mach 2.8 and Mach 3.0. It carries a warhead of up to 300 kilograms and has a strike range of 290–300 kilometres, with sea-skimming flight capability and steep-dive terminal attack modes.

It is a fire-and-forget weapon equipped with multiple target acquisition sensors to resist jamming. Developed jointly by India’s DRDO, the system is now largely indigenised in India, which retains rights to export it to trusted partners.

Vietnam’s acquisition focuses on land-based coastal batteries, though Hanoi has expressed long-term interest in air-launched variants.

The strategic significance of this deal lies in the contested South China Sea. Almost all Chinese-occupied islands and bases in the region fall within BrahMos range if launched from Vietnamese-held positions.

This mirrors the Philippines’ deployment of BrahMos batteries, which similarly cover Chinese-occupied islands claimed by Manila. Taiwan, though not a BrahMos operator, maintains equivalent systems to defend its isolated holdings.

The disparity remains stark: while ASEAN claimants have avoided heavy militarisation of their islands, satellite imagery shows Chinese-occupied features bristling with PLAN missile systems and air defences.

Vietnam’s decision is rooted in its difficult history with China. The 1979 border war and the 1988 Spratly Islands clash, in which 64 Vietnamese soldiers were killed by the PLA Navy, remain bitter memories. Since 2022, India and Vietnam have drawn closer in defence cooperation, united by shared concerns over Chinese assertiveness.

The BrahMos deal underscores Vietnam’s determination to modernise its maritime deterrence and diversify defence suppliers beyond Russia, while India consolidates its role as a credible security partner in the Indo-Pacific.

The regional picture is further complicated by Japan’s growing involvement. In May, Japan and the Philippines conducted a joint live-fire exercise off Luzon, with a Japanese coastal defence unit firing two Type 88 anti-ship missiles at a decommissioned Philippine corvette.

This test highlighted the emerging network of Indo-Pacific middle powers arming themselves independently to raise the costs of Chinese coercion, even as ASEAN struggles to forge a collective response.

Agencies

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The China Factor Driving Asia’s Rush For India’s BrahMos Cruise Missiles

Defence Secretary Rajesh K Singh confirmed Vietnam's acquisition of BrahMos cruise missiles

India’s transformation from a major weapons importer to a rising defence exporter has become one of the most striking developments in recent years. In the fiscal year 2025–26,

India’s defence exports reached an unprecedented ₹38,424 crore, representing a sharp increase of ₹14,802 crore, or 62.66 per cent, compared to the previous year. At the centre of this surge lies the BrahMos supersonic cruise missile, a system that has rapidly become the flagship of India’s export portfolio and a symbol of its growing strategic clout.

BrahMos is a two-stage missile, beginning with a solid propellant booster that propels it to supersonic speed before separation, followed by a liquid-fuelled ramjet that sustains speeds close to three times the speed of sound.

With a range of nearly 300 kilometres and a payload capacity of 200–300 kgs, the missile is versatile, capable of being launched from land, sea, air, and submarine platforms. Its low radar signature, multiple trajectory options, and ‘fire and forget’ capability make it particularly lethal.

It can cruise at altitudes of 15 km and descend to just 10 m above sea level for terminal strikes, achieving accuracy with a circular error probability of less than one metre. The next-generation BrahMos, under development, is lighter at 1,290 kg compared to the earlier 2,900 kg and boasts an extended range of 400 km.

The missile’s combat effectiveness was vividly demonstrated during Operation Sindoor in 2025, when BrahMos strikes decapitated Pakistan’s Nur Khan and Rahimyar Khan bases. This operation showcased its bunker-busting capability and drew global attention.

Even before Sindoor, several nations had expressed interest, but the operation cemented its reputation as a decisive weapon system. The Philippines became the first foreign customer, signing a $375 million deal for three coastal defence batteries. Deliveries began in April 2024, with subsequent batteries arriving last year.

More recently, India signed a ₹5,800 crore deal with Vietnam, announced discreetly at the Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore. This package includes coastal defence batteries, missiles, training, and logistics support, with Vietnam reportedly considering the air-launched variant in the future. Indonesia is also on the cusp of finalising a $450 million agreement, though the exact number of systems remains undisclosed.

Beyond these confirmed deals, Malaysia has shown interest in the air-launched BrahMos, particularly for integration with its Su-30MKM fighter jets. Preliminary negotiations have been reported with both India and Russia. Thailand, once keen, has seen its interest wane over the past two years, with no active discussions underway.

Outside Southeast Asia, countries in West Asia such as Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Oman, and Egypt have expressed interest, while Latin American nations including Brazil, Chile, Argentina, and Venezuela have also been drawn to the missile’s capabilities.

The geopolitical driver behind this surge in demand is China’s growing naval power and assertive maritime posture. Nations like the Philippines, Vietnam, and Indonesia lack the vast naval budgets required to counter Beijing’s expansionism.

By deploying shore-based BrahMos batteries, they can establish effective anti-access/area-denial (A2/AD) zones, complicating Chinese operations and imposing disproportionate costs on a stronger adversary.

Indian geo-strategist Dr Brahma Chellaney has described the BrahMos as “the poor nation’s great naval equaliser,” while retired Indian Army officer Major Gaurav Arya has noted that the countries acquiring it are precisely those locked in territorial disputes with China.

Unsurprisingly, Chinese analysts have labelled the missile a “troublemaker for international security,” reflecting Beijing’s unease at its proliferation along contested maritime zones.

India’s export of BrahMos is not merely transactional but strategic. Each deal acts as an anchor contract, paving the way for future arms sales and embedding India into the defence ecosystems of partner nations through training, logistics, and maintenance.

This approach strengthens India’s Act East policy, positioning it as a reliable security provider at a time when US commitments are perceived as inconsistent. By offering affordable yet advanced systems, India is counterbalancing China’s influence while simultaneously building long-term partnerships across Asia and beyond.

In conclusion, the BrahMos missile has become both a technological marvel and a geopolitical instrument. Its technical sophistication, proven combat record, and affordability make it highly attractive to nations seeking to deter China’s assertiveness without breaking their defence budgets.

For India, these exports mark a decisive shift in its global role, transforming it into a net security provider and shaping the future of defence cooperation across multiple regions.

Agencies

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