Muhammad Yunus, the Nobel laureate and Chief Adviser of Bangladesh's interim government, has invoked the "SAARC spirit" in a fervent call to revitalise the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC).

Speaking at a recent regional forum, Yunus emphasised that the grouping's foundational ideals of unity and collaboration remain vibrant despite years of dormancy. His remarks come amid Bangladesh's political transition following the ouster of Sheikh Hasina in August 2024, positioning the nation as a potential catalyst for SAARC's revival.

SAARC, established in 1985, aimed to foster economic, social, and cultural ties among eight South Asian nations: Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka. The organisation's charter promotes collective self-reliance and mutual trust. Yet, it has been paralysed since 2016, when India boycotted the Islamabad summit after the Uri terror attack, citing Pakistan's role in cross-border terrorism.

Yunus highlighted SAARC's untapped potential in addressing shared challenges like climate change, poverty, and food security. He argued that South Asia, home to a quarter of the world's population, cannot afford regional fragmentation when global powers vie for influence. "The SAARC spirit is alive," he declared, urging leaders to transcend bilateral tensions for collective progress.

Bangladesh's overture aligns with its historical role in SAARC's inception under Ziaur Rahman. As a neutral actor post-Hasina, Dhaka seeks to mediate between India and Pakistan, the grouping's perennial rivals. Yunus's vision includes virtual summits to bypass physical gatherings, drawing lessons from ASEAN's adaptive mechanisms.

India, SAARC's economic powerhouse, has remained sceptical. New Delhi prioritises bilateral ties and alternative forums like BIMSTEC, which excludes Pakistan. Officials in India view SAARC revival as untenable without Islamabad curbing terror networks. Recent India-Pakistan flare-ups, including the 2025 skirmishes along the Line of Control, have only deepened this divide.

Pakistan welcomed Yunus's call, with Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar stating that Islamabad is "ready to host" the next summit. This reflects Pakistan's strategy to internationalise the Kashmir issue through multilateral platforms. However, trust deficits persist, exacerbated by Beijing's growing footprint via the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor.

Smaller members like Nepal, Bhutan, and Maldives express cautious optimism. Nepal's Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal has pushed for SAARC's economic agenda, including intra-regional trade, which languishes at a mere 5% of total commerce. Maldives, reeling from climate threats, sees SAARC as vital for unified advocacy at COP forums.

Sri Lanka, recovering from its 2022 economic crisis, supports revitalisation to boost tourism and remittances. Afghanistan's Taliban regime, admitted to SAARC in 2007, remains a wildcard; its isolation limits participation. Bhutan prioritises hydropower cooperation but treads carefully amid India-China border tensions.

Economically, SAARC's revival could unlock a $3 trillion market. The South Asian Free Trade Area (SAFTA) agreement of 2006 has underperformed due to non-tariff barriers. Yunus proposed digital integration, leveraging UPI-like systems for cross-border payments and e-commerce platforms to spur SMEs.

Climate resilience forms a cornerstone of his pitch. South Asia faces intensifying cyclones, floods, and heatwaves; the 2024 Godavari deluge in India and Bangladesh's monsoon fury underscored vulnerabilities. A revitalised SAARC could pool resources for early warning systems and disaster funds, akin to the SAARC Disaster Management Centre's dormant initiatives.

Yunus also flagged youth empowerment and connectivity. With 65% of South Asians under 35, skill-sharing programmes could harness a demographic dividend. Reviving the SAARC visa exemption for officials might extend to students, fostering people-to-people ties stalled by visa walls.

Geopolitically, the call arrives as US-China rivalry intensifies in the Indo-Pacific. India-US defence pacts like QUAD contrast with Pakistan's China tilt, fragmenting South Asia. Yunus warned against becoming a "geopolitical chessboard," advocating SAARC as a buffer for strategic autonomy.

Critics dismiss the initiative as quixotic. India's External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar has repeatedly stated that "SAARC is dormant, not dead," implying revival hinges on Pakistan's behaviour. Bangladesh's internal fragility—marked by student protests and economic woes—raises doubts about its convening power.

Yet, precedents exist. The 2020 virtual SAARC summit, initiated by India's PM Modi during COVID-19, saw all members pledge $117 million for a relief fund. This ad-hoc success suggests low-hanging fruit in health and vaccine cooperation, especially post-Omicron waves.

Yunus's appeal resonates in Dhaka's "Smart Bangladesh" vision, blending SAARC with BIMSTEC for hybrid multilateralism. Bangladesh eyes leadership in sustainable development goals, using SAARC to amplify its voice at the UN.

As 2026 unfolds, Yunus's words challenge South Asia's leaders to reclaim a dormant dream. Whether the SAARC spirit reignites depends on reconciling security fears with economic imperatives. For now, his call injects urgency into a region long defined by division.

Based On ANI Report