Showing posts with label China. Show all posts
Showing posts with label China. Show all posts

Tuesday, October 6, 2026

India Sizes Up US F-35 Stealth Jets In Landmark First On Home Turf: Chinese Media


The arrival of US Air Force F-35 Lightning-II stealth fighters at Exercise Tarang Shakti 2026 has marked a significant milestone in India-US military cooperation, with America’s most advanced fifth-generation combat aircraft participating in air drills on Indian soil for the first time, SCMP reported.

The multinational exercise, taking place at Jodhpur Air Force Station in Rajasthan, around 200km from the Pakistan border, runs from 26 September until 12 October and has brought together air forces from more than 40 nations, including active participants from the United States, Australia, France, Germany, the United Arab Emirates, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka.

Six F-35 fighters and more than 200 US Air Force personnel have been deployed for the exercise, highlighting the growing operational engagement between New Delhi and Washington.

For India, the presence of the F-35 provides a rare opportunity to observe a frontline fifth-generation combat aircraft in a realistic operational environment as it continues work on its indigenous Advanced Medium Combat Aircraft (AMCA) stealth fighter project.

Indian Air Force personnel are expected to closely study how the F-35 integrates sensors, networking and battlefield data-sharing into combat operations, capabilities regarded as central to modern air warfare.

Analysts believe the exercise will also allow India to compare Western network-centric air power concepts with a fleet that currently combines Russian-origin Su-30MKI fighters, French Rafales and indigenous TEJAS aircraft.

The Indian Air Force is expected to pay particular attention to the F-35’s performance when operating alongside the Su-30MKI, which remains the backbone of India's combat aviation fleet.

Military observers note that the exercise offers a practical opportunity to assess how aircraft from different generations and technological backgrounds can operate together during complex missions.

The drills also provide valuable insights into interoperability, command-and-control integration and cross-platform coordination, all of which are increasingly important in high-intensity conflict scenarios.

However, experts caution that the United States is unlikely to expose the F-35’s most sensitive capabilities during the exercise.

The aircraft are widely believed to be flying with radar-enhancing reflectors that conceal their true stealth profile, preventing foreign militaries from accurately measuring their low-observable characteristics.

Similarly, Washington is not expected to reveal the fighter’s full electronic warfare and countermeasure capabilities, which remain among the aircraft’s most closely guarded operational secrets.

Even so, Indian pilots and planners are likely to gain a clearer understanding of the aircraft’s flight performance, manoeuvrability, mission planning processes and operational concepts.

The exercise is equally valuable for the United States, whose pilots will gain experience operating alongside and against Indian aircraft, particularly the highly manoeuvrable Su-30MKI, as well as observing an air force that employs a diverse mix of Western, Russian and indigenous platforms.

The deployment comes despite continuing differences between Washington and New Delhi over issues including US tariff measures, India's imports of Russian oil and differing approaches towards regional security and Pakistan.

Nevertheless, defence cooperation has shown remarkable resilience, with recent acquisitions such as the US-made FGM-148 Javelin anti-tank guided missile system indicating that military ties continue to expand.

Strategically, both countries remain aligned on many Indo-Pacific security concerns, creating strong incentives to deepen defence engagement despite periodic political disagreements.

US strategic documents have also identified India as a key partner in maintaining stability and security across the Indo-Pacific region. The exercise therefore serves not only as a military training event but also as a visible demonstration of the growing strategic partnership between the two democracies.

For India, exposure to the world's most widely deployed fifth-generation fighter could provide valuable lessons for the AMCA program, particularly in areas such as stealth integration, sensor fusion and collaborative combat operations.

For Washington, the deployment reinforces its commitment to strengthening security partnerships in the Indo-Pacific while showcasing the depth of bilateral military cooperation.

Ultimately, the presence of the F-35 at Tarang Shakti 2026 represents both a practical learning opportunity and a powerful signal of strategic confidence, underlining the increasingly important role of India-US defence ties amid a rapidly evolving regional security environment.

South China Post


India's Arabian Sea Watchtower Expands: Navy's INS Bitra Set To Strengthen Lakshadweep Security Grid


India is moving ahead with plans to establish a third Indian Navy presence in the Lakshadweep archipelago, with INS Bitra proposed for Bitra Island, the smallest inhabited island in the 36-island chain, India Today reported.

The move follows the establishment of INS Dweeprakshak at Kavaratti and INS Jatayu at Minicoy, further strengthening India's maritime posture in the Arabian Sea.

The Lakshadweep Administration has initiated the process to acquire Bitra Island for strategic and defence purposes. A notification issued by the Revenue Department on 11 July 2025 under the Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act, 2013 formally launched a Social Impact Assessment, the first step towards the proposed acquisition.

According to the notification, the objective is the complete transfer of Bitra Island to defence and strategic agencies due to its strategic location and significance for national security.

Bitra occupies only 0.105 square kilometres, making it the smallest inhabited island in Lakshadweep. The 2011 Census recorded a population of 271 residents living in 105 families. Despite its small size, the island occupies a strategically important position in northern Lakshadweep and is viewed as a key location for improving maritime surveillance coverage.

Its location would help bridge a surveillance gap between Kavaratti and Agatti while providing the Navy with a northern operational anchor in the island chain. Military planners believe the position would improve monitoring of vital shipping lanes crossing the Arabian Sea and strengthen India's ability to track maritime activity across a wider area.

The proposal comes as India places increasing emphasis on maritime domain awareness in the Indian Ocean Region. With INS Jatayu at Minicoy already overseeing the strategically important Eight Degree and Nine Degree Channels, Bitra would complement existing facilities by extending monitoring coverage further north. These sea routes are among the world's busiest maritime corridors, linking the Malacca Strait with the Gulf of Aden and the Strait of Hormuz.

Defence planners view the proposed base as an important asset for tracking commercial shipping, countering piracy, disrupting narcotics trafficking networks and maintaining closer observation of growing Chinese activity in the Arabian Sea.

If approved, INS Bitra would become Lakshadweep's third major defence establishment. Officials argue that the facility would close existing surveillance gaps, improve operational reach and enhance the Navy's ability to respond rapidly across the western Indian Ocean.

The project is also expected to follow the Centre's dual-use infrastructure model. Under this approach, military investments support civilian development through improved connectivity, healthcare, transport and employment opportunities.

Similar plans are already underway through the expansion of Agatti airfield and the development of a new airfield at Minicoy integrated with INS Jatayu.

At the same time, the proposal has generated concern among some residents and community representatives. Bitra's population relies heavily on fishing and coconut cultivation, while the surrounding lagoon supports fishing activities used by people from across the Lakshadweep islands. Local voices have raised concerns regarding displacement and livelihood impacts as the acquisition process progresses.

The planned acquisition reflects a broader effort by India to strengthen its strategic footprint across island territories as maritime competition in the Indian Ocean intensifies.

Since Prime Minister Narendra Modi's January 2024 visit brought national attention to Lakshadweep, the islands have increasingly emerged not only as a tourism destination but also as a critical component of India's western maritime security architecture.

Agencies


Monday, October 5, 2026

Air-Power Concerns Deepen As Fighter Delays And Regional Threats Mount


India’s air-power challenges are becoming increasingly difficult to overlook, with senior military leadership openly expressing concerns about the country’s combat aviation capabilities and the growing technological advances being made by regional rivals.

Air Chief Marshal AP Singh recently highlighted reports of Pakistan’s collaboration with China on the acquisition of fifth-generation fighter aircraft, describing the development as a matter of concern for India. His remarks reflected wider anxieties about the changing security environment and the need for India to maintain a credible air deterrent.

The Indian Air Force (IAF) is currently grappling with a significant shortfall in fighter aircraft. Air Chief Marshal Singh warned that delays in the induction of new combat platforms are undermining operational readiness and slowing efforts to rebuild squadron strength.

According to the Air Chief, the IAF must induct between 36 and 40 fighter aircraft every year merely to prevent further erosion of its combat fleet and gradually move towards its sanctioned strength of 42 fighter squadrons.

At present, the IAF operates only 29 active fighter squadrons, amounting to roughly 522 combat aircraft. This is substantially below the authorised requirement and reflects years of procurement delays, production bottlenecks and the retirement of ageing platforms, particularly the MiG-21 fleet.

Pakistan, by comparison, maintains approximately 25 combat squadrons with around 450 fighter aircraft. While the gap between India and Pakistan remains in India’s favour numerically, the difference is narrowing in certain capability areas as Islamabad accelerates military modernisation efforts with Chinese support.

China remains far ahead of both countries in terms of air power. The People’s Liberation Army Air Force is estimated to field roughly 66 combat squadrons and around 1,200 fighter aircraft, providing Beijing with a substantial quantitative and technological advantage.

One of the most pressing concerns for India is the delayed delivery of the Tejas Mk-1A fighter aircraft. The indigenous platform is central to the IAF’s modernisation plans and forms a critical component of efforts to restore squadron strength.

In February 2021, the Defence Ministry signed a contract worth ₹48,000 crore with Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) for 83 TEJAS MK-1A aircraft. Deliveries were originally scheduled to commence in March 2024.

However, despite the passage of the delivery deadline, not a single aircraft has yet entered IAF service. The Air Chief has acknowledged that the delay is having a direct impact on operational preparedness and combat capability.

Industry observers have attributed the slippage to a combination of factors, including supply-chain disruptions, delays in the delivery of GE F404 engines, certification requirements, systems integration challenges and broader production constraints within the aerospace manufacturing ecosystem.

The prolonged delay has intensified scrutiny of India’s defence-industrial capabilities and raised questions about whether indigenous production targets are aligned with actual manufacturing capacity.

Concerns extend beyond the Tejas platform. Attention is increasingly focused on the Advanced Medium Combat Aircraft (AMCA), India’s ambitious fifth-generation fighter project that is expected to serve as the cornerstone of the country’s future combat aviation strategy.

Should the AMCA encounter major delays, pressure could grow to acquire a foreign fifth-generation platform as an interim solution. Among the options frequently discussed is Russia’s Su-57 stealth fighter, although no decision has been announced.

Such a development would inevitably fuel debate about the gap between India’s self-reliance aspirations and its ability to deliver advanced military systems within required timelines.

Meanwhile, Pakistan appears to be moving more rapidly on its next-generation fighter plans. Reports indicate that the Pakistan Air Force has approved the acquisition of approximately 40 Chinese J-35 stealth fighters.

Pakistani aircrew are reportedly undergoing training in China, suggesting that preparations for the induction of the aircraft may already be under way.

If completed, the acquisition would mark a significant enhancement of Pakistan’s air-combat capabilities and could provide Islamabad with access to stealth technology that remains absent from South Asia’s operational military balance.

For India, the concern extends beyond the introduction of any single aircraft type. Defence planners must account for the possibility of simultaneous military pressure from both China and Pakistan.

A two-front contingency involving conflict along the northern frontier with China and the western border with Pakistan would place extraordinary demands on the IAF’s limited fighter inventory, operational infrastructure, trained personnel, logistics networks and missile reserves.

Such a scenario reinforces the importance of rapidly replenishing squadron strength, modernising combat fleets and ensuring that indigenous aerospace programs meet delivery commitments.

The controversy has also generated wider political debate. Critics argue that the repeated delays affecting major military programs undermine the credibility of official claims surrounding self-reliance in defence manufacturing.

Questions are increasingly being raised about procurement processes, industrial planning, project management and accountability mechanisms within the broader defence sector.

At the same time, concerns have emerged regarding India’s regional diplomatic environment. Some analysts contend that deteriorating relationships with several neighbouring countries and the strengthening strategic partnership between China and Pakistan have complicated India’s geopolitical position.

The convergence of military modernisation in Pakistan, China’s expanding military capabilities and delays affecting India’s own fighter acquisition programs has heightened concern among strategic observers.

Against this backdrop, maintaining robust defence capabilities has become an urgent national priority.

With fighter squadron numbers well below authorised levels, key aircraft deliveries overdue and future programs still under development, the challenge facing India is no longer merely one of procurement. It is increasingly becoming a test of whether strategic ambitions, industrial capacity and national-security requirements can be aligned in time to meet an evolving regional threat environment.

Agencies


China Broadens Southeast Asia Military Footprint With New Laos Air Base And Expanded Regional Reach


China has significantly expanded its overseas military network, adding a new air facility in Laos to complement its existing access to a naval installation in Cambodia and its long-standing overseas base in Djibouti. The development marks a notable extension of Beijing’s military presence across Southeast Asia.

The newly operational China-Laos Joint Support and Training Centre and the China-Laos Friendship Aviation Academy were officially inaugurated at Ban Keun Airport in Laos on 29 September 2026. The opening ceremony was attended by Lao Defence Minister Khamlieng Outhakayson and followed high-level talks between Lao President Thongloun Sisoulith and Chinese President Xi Jinping in Beijing earlier this year, during which defence cooperation featured prominently.

Located roughly 50 kilometres north of Vientiane, the Ban Keun facility occupies a site with historical significance. During the Vietnam War, it was home to Lima Site 44, part of a network of airfields developed by the United States and the CIA. Construction of the modern facility appears to have commenced in late 2025 on land previously used for agriculture.

The base now features a 2,000-metre paved runway, taxiway, aircraft apron, air traffic control tower and five hangars. While most major infrastructure has been completed, additional development work remains under way.

China and Laos describe the installation as a jointly operated training facility intended to improve pilot training and aviation capabilities within the Lao military. Beijing has emphasised that the centre complies with domestic and international law, is based on mutual consultation and is not aimed at any third country.

Despite these assurances, regional analysts believe the base carries broader strategic significance. Vietnam is expected to view the development with particular concern given its historical tensions with China and the base’s location west of Vietnamese territory. The facility extends China’s potential operational reach deeper into mainland Southeast Asia.

Laos operates one of the region’s smallest air forces, consisting of a limited fleet of Russian- and Chinese-built aircraft and helicopters. Its inventory includes MA60 and MA600 transport aircraft, Z-9 helicopters, LE500 basic trainers and K-8W jet trainers. The country’s principal air facilities are located at Vientiane-Wattay International Airport and Xiengkhouang.

Analysts suggest the scale of the new training complex exceeds the immediate needs of the Lao Air Force. Beijing is widely expected to encourage greater reliance on Chinese military aircraft, technology and training systems, potentially replacing remaining Russian equipment and creating long-term strategic dependencies.

Chinese authorities have not disclosed the number of personnel, aircraft or support assets that will be stationed at Ban Keun. However, reports indicate that PLA Air Force JL-8 trainer aircraft could operate from the base alongside Laos’ existing K-8W fleet.

Questions also remain regarding the legal framework governing Chinese military access. Although Laos is expected to retain sovereignty over operations, observers note that Beijing’s growing economic influence could provide leverage in future negotiations concerning military usage.

Chinese military commentators have highlighted Ban Keun’s location along the China-Laos Railway corridor as a key logistical advantage. The rail connection enables efficient movement of personnel and equipment from southern China while also linking the facility closely to major regional transport routes.

The base’s proximity to Vientiane offers practical advantages for pilot training, administration and governmental oversight. Its location in relatively flat terrain is also considered more suitable for aviation operations than much of mountainous Laos.

Chinese analysts have identified three principal objectives for the installation. The first is strengthening the training and modernisation of the Lao Air Force, thereby expanding Chinese influence over future procurement and operational standards.

The second is enhancing military operations and exercises in Southeast Asia. Ban Keun could provide an additional operating location for Chinese aircraft participating in regional drills, including exercises with Thailand, while offering more realistic deployment scenarios.

The third objective relates to broader geopolitical influence. Numerous major cities across mainland Southeast Asia lie within operational range of the facility, potentially increasing China’s strategic presence throughout the Indochina Peninsula.

Some defence experts argue that the base’s greatest importance lies less in its immediate military utility and more in establishing a permanent Chinese military presence in Laos while strengthening institutional ties between the two armed forces.

The Laos installation differs from China’s overseas facility in Djibouti, which primarily supports anti-piracy operations in the Gulf of Aden but also hosts Chinese naval infantry and armoured assets. The Djibouti base provides Beijing with a rapid-response capability across parts of Africa and the Middle East.

The Pentagon has previously assessed that Djibouti has contributed more to sustaining a permanent Chinese regional military presence than to the evacuation of citizens or protection of investments, despite those being among its publicly stated purposes.

Ban Keun is particularly significant because it represents the first overseas facility specifically focused on air force operations. The PLA is expected to maintain a continuous support presence while rotating personnel and aircraft through the base.

Some Chinese commentators suggest Beijing may have preferred Laos because Cambodia was reluctant to host a similar air facility. Phnom Penh has increasingly pursued a balancing strategy, maintaining security ties with China while also strengthening engagement with countries such as the United States and Japan.

China already enjoys extensive access to Cambodia’s Ream Naval Base on the Gulf of Thailand. The jointly operated support and training centre there was inaugurated in April 2025 after substantial Chinese-funded expansion, including new berths and facilities.

Although Chinese warships regularly utilise Ream, Cambodia maintains that the base remains open to friendly foreign navies. That position was reinforced when the USS Cincinnati visited the facility in January 2026, marking the first United States naval visit since its redevelopment.

Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Manet has repeatedly insisted that no foreign country will be granted exclusive military rights at Ream, citing constitutional restrictions on foreign military bases.

At the same time, Cambodia has revived military exercises with the United States after a decade-long pause, reflecting its broader effort to maintain strategic flexibility between competing powers.

China and Cambodia continue to deepen military cooperation through annual Golden Dragon exercises and defence equipment transfers, including the supply of Type 056 corvettes to the Royal Cambodian Navy.

Together, the facilities at Ream and Ban Keun provide China with expanded access to both maritime and air domains in Southeast Asia. They also complement Beijing’s extensive military infrastructure across the South China Sea, including installations in the Paracel and Spratly Islands.

Chinese officials maintain that the Laos training centre will help establish a comprehensive aviation training system covering pilots, maintenance personnel and other aviation specialists. The facility is also expected to support simulators, joint exercises, technical assistance and long-term capability development.

Laotian personnel currently receive training in China, Russia and Vietnam. The new institution could reduce reliance on overseas programmes by allowing more instruction to take place domestically.

Chinese media further argue that the centre could support humanitarian operations, search-and-rescue missions, border security tasks and disaster-relief activities throughout the Mekong region.

Meanwhile, the Pentagon continues to assess that China is seeking a broader overseas logistics and basing network to support long-distance military operations. Potential locations reportedly examined by Beijing include Angola, Bangladesh, Myanmar, Cuba, Equatorial Guinea, Indonesia, Kenya, Mozambique, Namibia, Nigeria, Pakistan, Papua New Guinea, Seychelles, Solomon Islands, Sri Lanka, Tajikistan, Thailand, Tanzania, the United Arab Emirates and Vanuatu.

Notably, Laos did not feature in previous publicly identified lists of potential Chinese military facilities, making the emergence of the Ban Keun base particularly unexpected.

Western defence assessments conclude that while China’s overseas military network remains modest compared with that of the United States, it is steadily expanding. The combination of naval access in Cambodia, an aviation foothold in Laos and established overseas facilities elsewhere demonstrates Beijing’s growing ability to project military influence beyond its borders and sustain a more persistent presence across strategically important regions.

ANI


EAM Jaishankar Underscores India’s Expanding Global Reach, Strategic Autonomy And Africa Ties At Raisina Forum


External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar engaged with young diplomats attending the Raisina Forum for Future of Diplomacy 2026 in New Delhi, outlining India’s expanding role on the global stage and the priorities shaping its foreign policy.

During the interaction, Jaishankar highlighted India’s growing international footprint, driven by increasing trade links, development partnerships and humanitarian assistance and disaster relief (HADR) initiatives across different regions. He noted that these engagements have strengthened India’s standing as a trusted development and cooperation partner.

He also pointed to the emergence of a more globally mobile workforce, with skilled Indian professionals contributing across sectors worldwide.

According to Jaishankar, this trend has brought greater responsibilities for the Government in safeguarding the welfare of the Indian diaspora, including seafarers working abroad.

Emphasising the importance of independent decision-making in foreign affairs, the Minister said strategic autonomy remains essential for countries navigating an increasingly complex international environment.

He suggested that nations must retain the ability to pursue their own interests while adapting to shifting geopolitical realities.

On India’s engagement with Africa, Jaishankar described the partnership as increasingly focused on technology sharing, capacity building and the transfer of expertise and experience. He indicated that cooperation is evolving beyond traditional development assistance towards long-term capability enhancement and mutually beneficial growth.

The Minister also reaffirmed India’s support for peace, dialogue and diplomacy as key tools for addressing international challenges. At the same time, he acknowledged that conducting foreign policy has become more demanding in the age of social media, where developments unfold rapidly and public scrutiny is immediate.

Earlier in the day, Jaishankar addressed discussions on cooperation among emerging and middle powers at the Munich Leaders Meeting (MLM) New Delhi. He thanked Munich Security Conference Chairman Wolfgang Ischinger for the opportunity to exchange views on the subject.

Speaking on the changing international order, Jaishankar observed that emerging and middle powers from both the Global South and the Global North share a common aspiration to play a more influential role in global affairs. He said these countries are increasingly aware of the strengths and capabilities they bring to international discussions.

The Minister identified several trends shaping this debate, including the repositioning of the United States, China’s rise, intensifying strategic competition and growing global interdependence. These developments, he argued, are encouraging countries to reassess their partnerships and engagement strategies.

He said emerging and middle powers are increasingly focused on de-risking and diversifying relationships while pursuing issue-based cooperation. This approach, he added, is contributing to a world characterised by multipolarity, multi-alignment and the formation of flexible, smaller coalitions.

Jaishankar further argued that emerging and middle powers have the potential to craft a broad and practical agenda for reforming global institutions. Such cooperation, he said, could play an important role in advancing a more representative and effective multilateral system.

ANI


Sunday, October 4, 2026

IAF Chief Says India Can Counter Emerging Chinese Stealth Fighter Threat, Calls For Faster AMCA Induction


Indian Air Force Chief Air Chief Marshal AP Singh has asserted that India retains the capability to counter the growing challenge posed by fifth-generation fighter aircraft being developed by China, even as reports suggest that neighbouring Pakistan could soon acquire such platforms.

Speaking during the Indian Air Force's annual press conference in New Delhi ahead of Air Force Day, the Air Chief acknowledged that developments relating to Chinese stealth fighter technology and its possible transfer to Pakistan are being closely monitored by the IAF.

According to Air Chief Marshal Singh, reports indicate that Pakistan could induct Chinese fifth-generation fighter aircraft in the near future. There are also indications that Pakistani pilots may already be undergoing training in China in preparation for operating such advanced platforms.

While describing these developments as a matter of concern, the Air Chief stressed that they do not fundamentally alter the strategic balance or place India in a position where it cannot respond effectively.

He emphasised that the effectiveness of a modern combat aircraft cannot be judged solely by the capabilities of the platform itself. Instead, success in contemporary air warfare depends on how effectively an aircraft is integrated into a broader network of sensors, command-and-control systems, airborne warning assets, electronic warfare capabilities, data links, air-defence systems and supporting combat infrastructure.

Air Chief Marshal Singh noted that possessing an advanced fighter aircraft does not automatically translate into operational superiority. He argued that military effectiveness is determined by the integration of platforms across the entire defence ecosystem rather than by any single aircraft operating independently.

The Air Chief drew attention to previous instances in which Pakistan operated advanced military platforms but was unable to translate those capabilities into meaningful strategic outcomes against India.

Referring to Operation Sindoor, he observed that Pakistan had access to sophisticated systems in the past but was unable to achieve significant results despite possessing those assets. He suggested that technology alone has never been sufficient to guarantee battlefield success.

According to Singh, India can similarly offset emerging threats through effective integration of the aircraft and systems currently being inducted into the IAF. He maintained that such integration would enable India to respond successfully to any near-term challenges associated with the introduction of fifth-generation aircraft into Pakistan's inventory.

He further pointed out that any new platform requires considerable time before it can be fully integrated into a country's operational doctrine, training ecosystem, maintenance structure and combat network. As a result, even if Pakistan acquires such aircraft, the full operational benefits would not be realised immediately.

At the same time, the Air Chief made it clear that India cannot afford complacency. He stressed the importance of inducting aircraft of the same technological generation at the earliest opportunity to preserve India's long-term air-power advantage.

Air Chief Marshal Singh urged a stronger push for the indigenous Advanced Medium Combat Aircraft program, which is expected to become India's first domestically developed fifth-generation stealth fighter.

The AMCA project is regarded as one of India's most important future aerospace initiatives. The aircraft is intended to incorporate stealth features, advanced sensors, internal weapons carriage, network-centric combat capabilities, artificial intelligence-assisted systems and next-generation avionics designed to meet future operational requirements.

The program occupies a central place in India's plans to modernise its combat aviation fleet and reduce long-term dependence on foreign suppliers for advanced fighter aircraft. Singh stressed that the AMCA program must move forward rapidly if India is to maintain an effective technological edge in the coming decades.

He also signalled that alternative decisions may have to be considered should the AMCA program experience significant delays. His remarks reflected the urgency felt within the IAF regarding the timely induction of next-generation combat aircraft amid evolving regional security dynamics.

The comments come at a time when the Indian Air Force is simultaneously pursuing efforts to strengthen squadron strength, accelerate indigenous defence manufacturing and modernise its operational capabilities across multiple domains.

The IAF has repeatedly highlighted the importance of transitioning towards network-centric warfare, where information dominance, sensor fusion, long-range engagement capabilities and integrated air operations are increasingly critical to combat effectiveness.

Air Chief Marshal Singh's remarks underline the belief within the Indian Air Force that future aerial superiority will depend not merely on acquiring advanced fighter aircraft, but on creating a fully integrated combat ecosystem capable of maximising the effectiveness of every platform in service.

While acknowledging the significance of China's fifth-generation aircraft developments and the possibility of Pakistan benefiting from them, the Air Chief reiterated that India possesses the necessary capabilities to address the challenge in the near term.

However, he emphasised that maintaining long-term air dominance will require the rapid induction of fifth-generation aircraft and sustained momentum behind the AMCA program, ensuring that India's air power remains prepared for emerging threats across the region.

The AMCA received major governmental approval for full-scale development and is expected to form the backbone of India's future stealth fighter capability. The project is intended to complement existing platforms such as the Rafale, Su-30MKI and Tejas, while positioning India among the limited number of nations capable of designing and producing advanced stealth combat aircraft domestically.

ANI


Pakistan’s J-35 Ambitions Add Pressure Says Air Chief Marshal AP Singh


Indian Air Force Chief Air Chief Marshal AP Singh has warned that delays in fighter aircraft inductions are adversely affecting the service at a time when its combat strength continues to decline. 

Speaking ahead of the 94th Air Force Day, he said the IAF requires the induction of between 36 and 40 fighter aircraft every year over the coming years to halt the erosion of squadron numbers.

The IAF currently operates around 30 fighter squadrons, significantly below its authorised strength of 42 squadrons. According to Singh, the force needs to add approximately two fighter squadrons annually if it is to recover its numbers and maintain readiness against the possibility of a coordinated two-front challenge involving Pakistan and China.

He acknowledged that delays in the arrival of new aircraft were causing increasing concern. Singh stated that the reduction in fleet strength was already being felt operationally and that timely induction of replacement platforms was becoming critical.

A major factor behind the shortfall is the delayed delivery of the TEJAS MK-1A fighter. Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) was awarded a contract in February 2021 worth approximately ₹48,000 Crores for the supply of 83 TEJAS MK-1A aircraft.

Despite the passage of several years since the agreement was signed, the IAF has yet to receive a single aircraft under the order.

Singh described the delay as substantial and admitted it would negatively affect the force's combat strength. He nevertheless pointed to HAL’s commitment to manufacture 24 aircraft annually in the coming year. He also proposed greater involvement of private industry, suggesting that additional production lines could potentially contribute another 12 to 18 aircraft every year and help accelerate inductions.

The Air Chief also highlighted Pakistan’s reported efforts to acquire fifth-generation combat aircraft through cooperation with China. While he characterised the development as a matter of concern, he stopped short of describing it as a major threat.

Recent reports have indicated that Pakistan has approved the acquisition of 40 Chinese J-35 stealth fighters, with deliveries expected within the next two years. If completed, the deal would mark the first export of China’s fifth-generation fighter aircraft and significantly enhance Pakistan’s access to advanced stealth capabilities.

Against this backdrop, Singh stressed the importance of ensuring that India’s indigenous Advanced Medium Combat Aircraft program progresses without further delays. The AMCA is intended to become India’s first domestically developed fifth-generation fighter and is viewed as a central pillar of the country’s future air combat strategy.

However, Singh acknowledged that prolonged delays in the AMCA timetable could compel the IAF to consider overseas alternatives. He noted that Russia has offered its Su-57 fifth-generation fighter to India, although no decision has been taken regarding the proposal.

The Air Chief emphasised that Pakistan has previously operated capable aircraft fleets and cautioned against assessing combat effectiveness solely through platform comparisons. Referring to Operation Sindoor, he argued that the outcome demonstrated how integrated capabilities, training, weapons, sensors and operational planning ultimately determine battlefield success rather than the presence of advanced aircraft alone.

The challenge facing the IAF is expected to become more acute towards the end of the decade. Defence officials have identified the 2029-30 period as a critical phase when several ageing fighter fleets are scheduled for retirement.

The Jaguar, MiG-29 and Mirage-2000 aircraft, many of which have undergone life-extension upgrades, are expected to be gradually phased out during that period. Together, these fleets account for roughly 250 aircraft, creating the prospect of a further reduction in squadron strength unless replacement programmes stay on schedule.

To address the looming gap, the IAF is counting on the timely arrival of TEJAS MK-1A fighters, future TEJAS MK-2 aircraft, the Multi-Role Fighter Aircraft acquisition program, additional Su-30MKI orders and the long-term induction of the AMCA. Air Chief Marshal Singh’s remarks underline growing concern within the service that delays in any of these initiatives could have a direct impact on India’s future air power and force structure.

Agencies


Friday, October 2, 2026

Kusha Takes Flight: India’s Indigenous Long-Range Air Defence Shield Moves Closer To Deployment


India has crossed a major milestone in its quest for a wholly indigenous long-range air defence capability with the first successful flight-test of the Kusha missile system, also known as the Extended Range Air Defence System (ERADS) or XRSAM.

Developed by the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) for the Indian Air Force (IAF), the project is intended to become a critical layer within India's future integrated air defence network.

The name Kusha is derived from the Sanskrit word “Kush”, meaning sacred grass. The system has been conceived as a mobile, truck-mounted and cannisterised air defence weapon capable of defending large areas against a wide spectrum of modern aerial threats.

Once operational, Kusha will complement existing capabilities provided by the Barak-8 MR-SAM, the Russian S-400 Triumf and India's Ballistic Missile Defence architecture. It is also expected to become a central component of Mission Sudarshan Chakra, India's emerging multi-layered national air defence shield.

The system is designed to engage fighter aircraft at ranges of up to 250 km, Airborne Warning and Control System aircraft at approximately 350 km, sea-skimming anti-ship missiles, stealth combat aircraft and ballistic missiles during their terminal phase. Advanced long-range surveillance and fire-control radars will support target detection, tracking and engagement.

A key feature of the program is its three-interceptor architecture. The M1 interceptor is designed for engagements out to 150 km, the M2 for around 250 km, and the M3 for ranges reaching 350-400 km. All three missiles share a common kill vehicle while employing different booster configurations to achieve their respective performance envelopes.

The project received Cabinet Committee on Security approval in May 2022. In September 2023, the Ministry of Defence granted Acceptance of Necessity for the procurement of five IAF squadrons at a projected cost of ₹21,700 crore. The system is intended to bridge the capability gap between the 80 km-range MR-SAM and the 400 km-range S-400.

A naval derivative is also under consideration and could eventually supplement the Indian Navy’s long-range surface-to-air missile inventory, further expanding the programme’s strategic significance.

Progress accelerated in August 2024 when DRDO initiated fabrication of the first M1 missiles. Orders were placed for airframes, rocket motors, kill vehicles and telemetry systems, signalling the transition from design work to hardware production.

In May 2025, Bharat Electronics Limited began manufacturing the system prototype. Development plans envisaged completion of the prototype within 18 months, followed by an extensive user evaluation phase.

The program achieved its most significant breakthrough on 23 July 2026 when DRDO successfully conducted the maiden flight-test from APJ Abdul Kalam Island off the Odisha coast. The missile intercepted an electronic target simulating a high-speed, high-altitude aerial threat, validating key elements of the system's design, radar integration and engagement chain.

Although the test marked a major achievement, it represents only the start of a lengthy qualification process. Additional M1 trials are expected before the more capable M2 and M3 interceptors enter testing. Given development timelines and earlier schedule slippages, phased induction of the complete system is likely towards the end of the decade.

The IAF's growing emphasis on indigenous solutions has reportedly intensified following recent operational experiences, leading to greater urgency in accelerating Kusha's development and deployment.

Strategically, Kusha is often compared with long-range air defence systems such as the American THAAD, Russian S-400 and Chinese HQ-9. While those systems benefit from decades of operational refinement, Kusha represents India's first attempt to field a domestically designed integrated area-defence architecture capable of engaging diverse airborne threats at extended ranges.

Beyond the interceptor missiles themselves, the program's importance lies in its networked architecture. Kusha batteries are expected to integrate with the IAF's Integrated Air Command and Control System, enabling real-time coordination with other sensors and air defence assets across the country.

As air warfare evolves towards stealth aircraft, cruise missiles, hypersonic weapons, unmanned systems and drone swarms, the success of Kusha will depend as much on its sensors, command networks and battle management systems as on missile performance.

The program therefore represents not merely the development of another interceptor, but a broader test of India's ability to design, integrate and field a world-class indigenous air defence ecosystem.

If development remains broadly on track, Kusha could emerge as the backbone of India's long-range air defence architecture throughout the 2030s, significantly reducing dependence on imported systems while strengthening the country's strategic self-reliance in advanced military technologies.

Agencies


Centre Formalises 28 Strategic Ladakh Locations On Official Map, Including Key LAC Friction Points


In a significant cartographic and strategic move, the Government of India has formally incorporated 28 places and geographical features in Ladakh into the official Survey of India map following consultations with the Union Territory administration.

The exercise is intended to standardise place names, improve the accuracy of official records and enhance public awareness of important locations across the sensitive Himalayan frontier.

Among the newly identified sites are Gogra and Hot Spring, two areas that gained prominence during the 2020 India-China military standoff in eastern Ladakh. Both locations remain strategically important because of their proximity to Indian patrol routes along the Line of Actual Control (LAC).

The decision places these features within India's official mapping framework, ensuring consistent references across government records, surveys and administrative documents.

The 2020 border crisis began on 5 May that year following confrontations around Pangong Tso, eventually expanding to multiple friction points across eastern Ladakh. Gogra and Hot Spring subsequently became central locations in negotiations between Indian and Chinese military commanders.

After prolonged diplomatic and military talks, disengagement measures at several friction points commenced in 2022, reducing immediate tensions while broader boundary issues remained unresolved.

The newly recognised features encompass a wide range of terrain, including peaks, mountains, passes, glaciers, valleys, rivers, lakes and land areas, reflecting the geographical diversity of Ladakh's high-altitude landscape.

The list includes Atisha Giri, Kanishka Peak, Martand Giri, Zorawar Peak, Rinchen Zangpo, Sakyasri Giri, Marpa Lotsava Ri, Milarepa Kangri, Shiva Ri and Maheshwara Ri.

Other designated features include Karun Pir, Drak Karpo and Jolmori, along with Chapchingal Pass and Shachmirik Pass.

The government has also formally identified Parpik Glacier, Skamri Glacier and Shkorga Valley, while Yangpa River and Guru Rinpoche Lake have been included among the recognised natural features.

Several land areas have likewise been standardised on official maps, including Brangsa, Kuksel, Dehra Compass, Kumarayana Point, Panglung and Shamal Lungpa. The latter historically served as a patrol and staging route during the 1950s.

The inclusion of these names is part of a broader effort to maintain accurate national cartographic records and provide uniform geographical references for administrative, developmental and strategic purposes.

The move also carries geopolitical significance as India continues to reinforce its official representation of border regions through authoritative mapping and standardised nomenclature.

With the update, all 28 locations now form part of the official Survey of India record, providing recognised references for one of the country's most strategically sensitive frontier regions.

PTI


Taiwan Receives First F-16V Fighters As Air Force Strengthens Against Growing China Threat


Taiwan has taken delivery of the first two of 66 new F-16V Block 70 fighter jets ordered from the United States, marking a significant milestone in the island’s military modernisation effort as it faces increasing pressure from China, Reuters reporterd.

The aircraft arrived at Chihhang Air Base in Taitung on Taiwan’s mountainous eastern coast after months of delays that had frustrated Taipei and raised concerns about the pace of American arms deliveries.

The fighters are part of a 2019 deal valued at approximately ₹68,800 crore, approved by Washington to strengthen Taiwan’s air combat capabilities. Once all 66 aircraft are delivered, Taiwan’s F-16 fleet will exceed 200 aircraft, making it one of the largest and most capable F-16 fleets in the Asia-Pacific region.

Taiwan’s military continues to scramble aircraft almost daily in response to Chinese air operations around the island. Beijing regards Taiwan as part of its territory and has steadily increased military activity in the Taiwan Strait and surrounding areas in recent years.

The arrival of the new fighters comes at a politically sensitive moment. Concerns have grown in Taipei regarding the Trump administration’s commitment to supplying arms to Taiwan, although Washington has repeatedly stated that its policy towards the island remains unchanged.

Defence Minister Wellington Koo confirmed that additional F-16Vs are expected to arrive before the end of the year, indicating that the latest delivery is only the beginning of a broader rollout.

Delivery of the aircraft had been delayed by a combination of production challenges and software integration issues. Previous reports indicated that flight-control software development had slowed progress, while wider supply-chain pressures also affected the schedule.

The first two aircraft arrived roughly a week after a meeting between US President Donald Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping. The timing has drawn attention given ongoing tensions between Washington and Beijing over Taiwan.

Trump stated earlier this year that a proposed military assistance package for Taiwan worth around ₹1.20 lakh crore had been placed on hold, although an earlier package valued at roughly ₹94,600 crore received approval in December 2025.

The F-16V is the most advanced variant of the Fighting Falcon currently in production. Equipped with modern avionics, enhanced mission computers, advanced electronic warfare systems and the AN/APG-83 Active Electronically Scanned Array radar, the aircraft offers substantially improved situational awareness and combat performance.

These enhancements are particularly important for Taiwan as it seeks to counter increasingly sophisticated Chinese aircraft, including the stealth-capable J-20 fighter.

Taiwan has already completed a major modernisation effort that upgraded its existing F-16 fleet to the F-16V standard in 2023, significantly improving interoperability and combat effectiveness across its air force.

Under the Taiwan Relations Act, the United States is obligated to provide Taiwan with the means to defend itself, despite the absence of formal diplomatic relations between the two sides.

Beijing has consistently opposed US arms sales to Taiwan and has repeatedly urged Washington to halt such transfers, arguing that they undermine Chinese sovereignty claims.

A US State Department spokesperson reaffirmed Washington’s support for Taiwan, stating that the United States would continue working with friends and allies across the Indo-Pacific to advance shared security and prosperity.

Few countries are willing to supply advanced weapons to Taiwan because of concerns over damaging relations with China. Even the United States has refrained from offering its most advanced stealth fighters, including the F-22 Raptor and F-35 Lightning-II.

As a result, while the arrival of the F-16Vs represents a major boost to Taiwan’s air power, the island still lacks a direct stealth-fighter counterpart to match China’s newest generation combat aircraft. 

Nonetheless, the new fighters are expected to play a central role in maintaining Taiwan’s deterrence posture and enhancing its ability to respond to growing military pressure in the region.

Agencies



Thursday, October 1, 2026

Boeing Wins $20 Billion US Navy Sixth-Generation Fighter Contract

Boeing has been selected by the US Navy to develop its next-generation carrier-based stealth fighter, giving the company its second major sixth-generation combat-aircraft win in successive years.

The Pentagon announced the decision on 29 September after Boeing beat Northrop Grumman in the F/A-XX competition. The full-scale development contract is valued at more than $20 Billion and covers the production of multiple test aircraft for ground, airworthiness, systems and weapons-integration trials.

Known currently as F/A-XX, the aircraft will form the central manned element of the Navy’s Next Generation Air Dominance family of systems. It is intended to replace the F/A-18E/F Super Hornet over time and operate with the F-35C Lightning-II and uncrewed Collaborative Combat Aircraft-type systems.

The selection gives Boeing responsibility for both of America’s headline sixth-generation fighter efforts. The company was chosen in March 2025 to build the US Air Force’s F-47, raising questions over whether it can simultaneously supply the engineering workforce, supplier base and production capacity required for two highly complex programmes.

Boeing’s established carrier-aircraft experience appears to have weighed heavily in its favour. The company designed and builds the F/A-18E/F Super Hornet and EA-18G Growler, giving it long-standing experience of naval aviation requirements, aircraft-carrier operations and naval combat-system integration.

The award is a major boost for Boeing’s St Louis fighter-aircraft operations as F/A-18E/F Super Hornet and EA-18G Growler production approaches closure. Boeing has also received a separate contract to plan and prepare for the shutdown of those production lines.

Steve Parker, President and Chief Executive of Boeing Defence, Space & Security, said Boeing had invested in new facilities suitable for building multiple products with next-generation capabilities and was ready to execute the F/A-XX effort.

Michael Duffey, the Pentagon’s chief weapons buyer, described F/A-XX as a crucial and non-negotiable investment in US national security and long-term air-combat capability. Pentagon statements indicate that the aircraft is expected to provide greater range, survivability and combat reach from aircraft carriers in heavily contested airspace.

The F/A-XX program had faced years of uncertainty. Some Pentagon officials had sought to defer it by as much as three years because of concerns that the US defence industry might lack sufficient engineering and supply-chain capacity to develop two sixth-generation fighters concurrently.

Lockheed Martin was eliminated from the F/A-XX contest in March 2025 after the Navy concluded that its design had not met required criteria. Boeing and Northrop Grumman subsequently became the two finalists.

The Navy is under pressure to field a more capable carrier fighter as China develops advanced combat-aircraft designs, including aircraft Beijing describes as sixth-generation systems. F/A-XX is expected to combine advanced low observability, improved combat radius and endurance, and connectivity with uncrewed aircraft and carrier-based air-defence networks.

The Navy still plans to acquire more than 270 F-35C aircraft for its carrier air wings. The F-35C, F/A-XX and upgraded Super Hornet force are expected to operate together during a lengthy transition period.

Initial production F/A-XX aircraft are expected to enter service during the 2030s. The Super Hornet fleet, which entered service in the 1990s, is expected to remain operational into the 2040s.

Agencies


Wednesday, September 30, 2026

Global Submarine Giants Battle For ₹83,000 Crore Indian Navy Mega Deal


The competition for one of India’s largest-ever naval procurement contracts has intensified in New Delhi, with leading international submarine manufacturers vying for a project valued at more than ₹83,000 Crores.

The program centres on the Indian Navy’s long-delayed Project 75(I), which seeks the construction of six advanced conventional submarines equipped with Air Independent Propulsion technology, significantly enhancing underwater endurance and stealth.

The contest has effectively narrowed to industrial teams led by Germany’s ThyssenKrupp Marine Systems (TKMS) and Spain’s Navantia, both partnering with Indian shipbuilders under the strategic partnership model designed to strengthen domestic manufacturing capabilities.

TKMS has teamed up with Mazagon Dock Shipbuilders Limited, while Navantia is working alongside Larsen & Toubro. The competing bids promise extensive technology transfer, local manufacturing and long-term support arrangements.

The project is regarded as a critical element of the Indian Navy’s modernisation plans as it seeks to address declining submarine numbers amid increasing maritime competition across the Indo-Pacific region.

Air Independent Propulsion technology remains one of the program’s most important requirements. The capability allows conventional submarines to remain submerged for far longer periods without surfacing or snorkelling, thereby improving survivability and operational effectiveness.

The procurement process has undergone numerous evaluations, technical assessments and commercial reviews over several years, making it one of the most closely scrutinised military acquisition projects undertaken by India.

The selected design is expected to deliver advanced sensors, modern combat management systems, heavyweight torpedoes, anti-ship missile capabilities and enhanced acoustic stealth features.

For India, the contract extends beyond acquiring submarines. The project is also intended to deepen indigenous industrial expertise, expand domestic shipbuilding capacity and support the broader objective of achieving greater self-reliance in defence manufacturing.

Industry observers view the competition as a major strategic opportunity for the winning foreign partner because the programme could pave the way for future naval cooperation, maintenance contracts, technology collaboration and potential export opportunities from India.

The Indian Navy considers additional submarine capacity essential as several older platforms approach retirement, while regional naval fleets continue to expand both in size and capability.

Once awarded, the contract is expected to generate substantial industrial activity across India’s maritime sector, with thousands of skilled jobs likely to be supported throughout the construction, integration and lifecycle support phases.

The outcome of the contest will therefore shape not only India’s undersea warfare capabilities for decades but also the future direction of the country’s naval industrial base and its partnerships with leading global submarine builders.

Strategically, the Project 75(I) competition extends well beyond submarine acquisition. The successful bidder will gain a long-term foothold in one of the world's fastest-growing naval markets while strengthening its country's broader strategic relationship with India.

The program is expected to influence future collaboration in undersea warfare technologies, advanced propulsion systems, naval weapons integration and maritime industrial cooperation.

At a time when the Indian Ocean is witnessing increased naval activity from China and other regional powers, the induction of six next-generation submarines would significantly enhance India's deterrence posture, sea-denial capabilities and ability to safeguard critical sea lines of communication across the wider Indo-Pacific region.

IDN (With Agency Inputs)


India, China Advancing Ties On PM Modi And President Xi's BRICS Guidance: MEA


India and China are steering their bilateral engagement forward under the strategic guidance exchanged between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Xi Jinping at their BRICS Summit meeting in New Delhi, the Ministry of External Affairs confirmed on Tuesday.

MEA Spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal told reporters that the leaders-level dialogue on the summit's sidelines had set the tone for renewed diplomatic momentum, with both sides now working to operationalise that direction.

Prime Minister Modi used the opportunity to flag India's core concerns and pressed for reciprocal sensitivity, framing the relationship around what he termed the "three mutuals" — mutual respect, mutual interest and mutual sensitivity.

This triad of principles has become India's anchor for managing a complex tie that has seen both cooperation and friction, particularly along the Line of Actual Control.

The Prime Minister reiterated that peace and tranquillity in border areas are non-negotiable prerequisites for any sustained advancement in broader bilateral ties, urging strict adherence to existing border agreements and understandings.

Both governments have reaffirmed their intent to resolve the long-pending boundary question through a strategic, long-term political lens, aiming for an outcome that is fair, reasonable and acceptable to both sides.

Beyond the border, the leaders agreed to widen convergence on regional and global challenges, signalling a willingness to coordinate more closely on multilateral issues where interests align.

India's approach to the boundary question remains rooted in patient, constructive diplomacy, with the MEA underscoring that the leaders' commitment reflects the long-term interests of both peoples.

China's official readout struck a conciliatory note, casting the two Asian giants as "partners rather than rivals" and acknowledging India's positions on Taiwan and Tibet, while asserting that no anti-China activities would be permitted from Indian soil.

Separately, the MEA addressed speculation over India's stance on Turkey's bid for full membership of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, with Jaiswal clarifying that such decisions rest on collective consensus among SCO members.

The ministry's latest comments arrive as New Delhi implements the leadership-level guidance from the BRICS meeting, while continuing to stress that mutual respect, mutual interest and mutual sensitivity must underpin the India-China relationship.

ANI


India Explores China's Xinjiang Airspace Via Hotan As Pakistan Ban Enters 18th Month


India is in advanced talks with China to secure access to Xinjiang airspace, specifically over Hotan, as an alternate corridor for Indian carriers while Pakistan's airspace remains closed to Indian-registered and Indian-operated flights.

The Ministry of External Affairs has been engaging Beijing for over a year, but no agreement has been finalised, even as Islamabad has extended its ban until October 24, 2026.

Sources said the Indian government is exploring an air route over Hotan in Xinjiang to mitigate the Pakistan airspace ban. MEA is in contact with Chinese counterparts, and discussions have been ongoing for more than a year. Parts of Xinjiang's airspace are under military control, which makes clearance complex and explains the slow progress.

Pakistan's latest extension follows a Notice to Airmen issued by the Pakistan Airports Authority. The restriction now runs until 04:59 am on October 24, 2026, covering the Karachi and Lahore flight information regions. The previous extension was due to expire on September 24.

The airspace standoff traces back to the April 22, 2025, Pakistan-sponsored terror attack in Pahalgam, Jammu and Kashmir, in which 26 civilians were killed after being questioned about their religion.

In response, India barred all Pakistani-operated, owned or leased aircraft, including military flights, from Indian airspace from April 30, 2025. Pakistan subsequently shut its skies to Indian carriers, and both sides have renewed restrictions monthly.

India launched Operation Sindoor to target terror infrastructure in Pakistan and PoJK, aiming to punish planners and destroy camps and training facilities linked to the Pahalgam attack. Following escalation, India struck Pakistani airbases, which led Islamabad to seek a ceasefire.

All three terrorists involved in the Pahalgam attack were later killed in Operation Mahadev, a joint effort by the Army, CRPF and Jammu and Kashmir Police.

The closure has forced Indian airlines to fly longer, costlier routes to Europe and North America, increasing block time, fuel burn and crew costs. Carriers have repeatedly asked the government to press China to allow use of a portion of its military airspace in Xinjiang. Any savings from a Hotan corridor would depend on the exact tracks China permits and which flights qualify to use them.

Amid these talks, direct India–China services have resumed after a six-year gap, with Air India restarting Delhi–Shanghai flights on February 1, 2026. Civil Aviation Minister Ram Mohan Naidu confirmed that alternatives are being examined and that discussions on the Hotan route are active, while stressing that outcomes remain uncertain.

ANI


Pakistan’s Hangor-Class Submarine Fires Missile, Raising Stakes In The Arabian Sea As China’s Undersea Footprint Expands


Pakistan’s successful missile firing from the newly commissioned PNS Hangor represents more than a routine naval trial. It illustrates the steady transfer of advanced Chinese naval technologies into South Asia and highlights Beijing’s growing role in shaping the military balance of the northern Arabian Sea.

The launch took place less than two weeks after a maritime incident involving an Indian warship and the Pakistani vessel PNS Hunain. Although the two events are not directly connected, the timing inevitably draws attention to the increasingly competitive naval environment developing in the region.

Several defence sources assess that the weapon involved was the Chinese YJ-18 anti-ship cruise missile, a system widely believed to draw heavily from the Russian Klub missile family.

While various open-source assessments attribute extended-range capabilities to some versions of the missile, the exact variant tested by Pakistan and its precise range remain unconfirmed.

The strategic importance of the trial lies less in the missile itself and more in the platform carrying it. Submarines remain among the most survivable assets in modern naval warfare. When long-range anti-ship missiles are integrated with stealthy submarines equipped with Air Independent Propulsion systems, the challenge facing maritime surveillance and anti-submarine forces increases substantially.

PNS Hangor is the first of eight submarines Pakistan is acquiring under its extensive naval modernisation partnership with China. Four vessels are being built in Chinese shipyards and four in Karachi, demonstrating a long-term effort to strengthen Pakistan’s indigenous submarine construction capability while simultaneously expanding its operational fleet.

The broader concern for India is the cumulative impact of Chinese weapons proliferation across the sub-continent. Over the past two decades, China has emerged as Pakistan’s principal supplier of advanced military equipment, including combat aircraft, naval vessels, missile systems, air-defence networks and unmanned platforms.

The Hangor program reflects the latest stage of this process, bringing modern undersea warfare capabilities closer to India’s western maritime approaches.

Nevertheless, the missile test does not fundamentally alter the balance of naval power in the Arabian Sea. India continues to retain significant qualitative and quantitative advantages across multiple categories of maritime capability.

The Indian Navy currently operates conventional submarines from the Kalvari, Sindhughosh and Shishumar classes, while simultaneously expanding its nuclear-powered submarine force through the Arihant-class program. A fourth Arihant-class platform is undergoing trials, while work continues on the larger S5-class ballistic missile submarines and future nuclear attack submarine projects.

Although delays in the approximately ₹70,000 crore Project-75(I) submarine acquisition program have slowed force expansion, India's long-term undersea modernisation plans remain significantly broader in scope than Pakistan's current submarine programme.

India's anti-submarine warfare capabilities provide a particularly important counterbalance to Pakistan's growing underwater fleet.

The Indian Navy operates Boeing P-8I Poseidon long-range maritime patrol aircraft, among the most capable anti-submarine platforms in service anywhere in the world. These aircraft combine advanced radar, sonobuoys, acoustic processing systems and anti-submarine weapons, enabling persistent surveillance across vast ocean areas.

Indian frontline destroyers and frigates are equipped with hull-mounted and towed-array sonar systems designed to detect submarine activity at extended ranges. The Navy also operates anti-submarine helicopters equipped with dipping sonars and lightweight torpedoes, providing rapid response capability against underwater threats.

India's coastal surveillance network, maritime domain awareness architecture and growing integration of satellite, airborne and naval sensors create a layered tracking system across much of the Arabian Sea and the wider Indian Ocean Region.

Geography further strengthens India's position. Naval facilities along the western coast, combined with monitoring capabilities extending from the Lakshadweep Islands to the Andaman and Nicobar archipelago, provide substantial operational depth and surveillance coverage that Pakistan cannot easily match.

The significance of the Hangor missile firing therefore lies in what it reveals about the trajectory of Chinese military support to Pakistan rather than any immediate shift in regional naval superiority. Pakistan is undoubtedly improving its undersea warfare capability through Chinese assistance, but India retains clear advantages in fleet size, maritime aviation, surveillance infrastructure, nuclear deterrence and anti-submarine warfare capacity.

As additional Hangor-class submarines enter service, the challenge for India will be maintaining technological and numerical superiority beneath the surface. Yet given the Indian Navy's expanding anti-submarine warfare network, nuclear submarine development programs and broader Indian Ocean presence, New Delhi remains well positioned to deter and counter emerging undersea threats in both the Arabian Sea and the wider region.

Agencies