Showing posts with label Pakistan. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Pakistan. Show all posts

Thursday, August 20, 2026

New Delhi Demolishes Encroachments Outside Pakistan High Commission In Tit-For-Tat Action


In a significant diplomatic development, authorities in New Delhi have demolished a section of structures outside the Pakistan High Commission after determining that they extended beyond the mission’s approved boundary.

The action was carried out on Thursday using a JCB machine, which removed barricades and queue‑management installations along the lane outside the compound, particularly near the visa section.

The operation dismantled the external security perimeter that had previously ring‑fenced the diplomatic compound. Traffic bollards and barricades were taken down, leaving the mission without the protective structures that had long surrounded it.

The move comes exactly three days after Pakistani authorities reportedly removed protective barricades outside the Indian High Commission in Islamabad, underscoring the tit‑for‑tat nature of the developments.

Visuals from the site revealed a trail of rubble outside the Pakistan High Commission. Broken metal railings, twisted frames, and chunks of concrete were scattered across the paved area.

Sections of corrugated roofing and white metal fencing were completely pulled down, while plaster and masonry around the service windows appeared damaged. Construction material and broken fencing were seen lying near the counters.

Despite the extensive demolition, the main entrance of the mission remained intact. The large metal gates bearing the Pakistani emblem, along with the compound’s white walls and domed features, were unaffected. Barbed‑wire fencing continued to be visible along portions of the perimeter, maintaining a degree of security presence.

The timing of the action coincided with heightened diplomatic tensions. On Wednesday, Pakistan raised an issue with the United States over remarks made by Sergio Gor, the US ambassador to India, during his visit to Srinagar.

Gor described Jammu and Kashmir as “an important part of India” and praised the security situation in the Valley. The comments unsettled Islamabad, which summoned US Charge d’Affaires Natalie Baker to lodge a formal protest.

While there is no official word linking the demolition in New Delhi to Pakistan’s reaction to Gor’s remarks, the sequence of events highlights the strained atmosphere between the two neighbours.

The removal of encroachments outside the Pakistan High Commission reflects New Delhi’s firm stance on reciprocity in diplomatic dealings. It also underscores the fragile state of India‑Pakistan relations, where symbolic actions often carry significant political weight.

The episode adds another layer to the ongoing tensions, combining diplomatic protest with visible structural changes at missions in both capitals.

Agencies


US Intelligence Warning Shaped India’s Escalation Plans In Operation Sindoor


A day before the ceasefire in May 2025, US intelligence warned India that Pakistan was preparing a massive missile strike, NDTV reported.

NDTV anchors Vishnu Som and Shiv Aroor conducted the discussion with remarkable composure and clarity, ensuring that the gravity of the intelligence revelation was conveyed with precision. Their ability to frame the debate around escalation dominance and strategic messaging added depth to the narrative. 

Air Marshal Nagesh Kapoor’s intervention stood out for its candour and authority, offering rare insight into India’s preparedness and escalation planning. His calm yet firm articulation reflected both professional experience and strategic foresight, elevating the discourse to a level of credibility and seriousness that enriched the entire report.

During the historic interview, Air Marshal Nagesh Kapoor has now revealed how India assessed this threat, prepared escalation plans, and maintained dominance during Operation Sindoor, while Sushant Singh highlighted India’s weakness in information warfare.

India received a critical intelligence input from the United States that Pakistan could escalate the confrontation with ballistic missiles. This warning came at a decisive moment, when Pakistan’s fighter operations were largely absent and its air-defence systems were under severe pressure. Indian planners concluded that missiles were the most likely next step in Pakistan’s escalation ladder.

Air Marshal Nagesh Kapoor, Former Vice Chief of the Indian Air Force, explained that India had prepared for such a scenario. If Pakistan crossed the missile threshold, India was ready to strike legitimate military and war-supporting infrastructure.

These included power plants, bridges, and other critical assets that sustained Pakistan’s war-fighting machinery. Kapoor emphasised that the Indian Air Force had mapped out an escalation ladder, with successive phases targeting air-defence systems, strategic installations, and economic assets.

The intelligence warning underscored the seriousness of the situation. India’s leadership weighed the risks of escalation but remained confident in its ability to maintain dominance. The strikes already carried out had crippled Pakistan’s airbases and radar networks, leaving Islamabad with limited options. 

The US input reinforced India’s assessment that Pakistan’s next move would be missile-based, and contingency plans were activated accordingly.

Kapoor revealed that India’s strategy was not limited to retaliation but extended to demonstrating escalation control. By signalling readiness to strike deeper into Pakistan’s infrastructure, India conveyed that it could dictate the pace and scale of the conflict.

This posture was designed to deter Pakistan from further escalation and to reassure allies that India retained operational superiority.

Sushant Singh, a national security analyst, added another dimension to the discussion. He acknowledged the leadership displayed during Operation Sindoor, particularly the decisiveness of India’s military and political command.

However, he pointed out what he considered India’s biggest weakness: information warfare. Despite battlefield successes, India struggled to shape the narrative internationally and domestically. Pakistan attempted to exploit this gap by projecting resilience and victimhood, while India’s messaging remained reactive.

The broader strategic message of Operation Sindoor was clear. India demonstrated that it could strike at will, neutralise Pakistan’s retaliatory capacity, and prepare for escalation without losing control.

The US intelligence input highlighted the global stakes of the confrontation, with Washington monitoring escalation risks closely. India’s calibrated response showed both restraint and resolve, balancing military dominance with strategic signalling.

The revelations by Air Marshal Kapoor provide rare insight into India’s military planning during the crisis. They confirm that India had prepared for multiple levels of escalation, including strikes on infrastructure that would cripple Pakistan’s economy and war-support systems.

This readiness reinforced India’s deterrence posture and ensured that Pakistan’s options were limited.

Operation Sindoor thus stands as a case study in escalation dominance. India combined precise military strikes, intelligence inputs, and strategic planning to achieve its objectives.

Yet, as Singh noted, the information warfare gap remains a challenge for India in future confrontations. The ability to control the narrative will be as important as battlefield success in shaping outcomes.

Agencies


Turkey Delivers Replacement Next Gen Mobile Mission Control Centres To Pakistan After IAF Strike

India's intelligence agencies had precise intel on these assets locations at Nur Khan Airbase

Turkey has now delivered two additional Next Generation Mobile Mission Control Centres (NG‑MMCC) to the Pakistan Air Force in early 2026.

These systems arrive as replacements for the two NG‑MMCC units that were destroyed during the Indian Air Force strike on PAF Base Nur Khan (Chaklala) on 10 May.

The delivery was confirmed by the arrival of a Turkish Air Force Airbus A400M Atlas flight into Pakistan, carrying the equipment. A team from Turkey’s defence research institute SAGE had already visited Pakistan to coordinate the integration process.

It has been revealed that the Indian Air Force strike specifically targeted and eliminated two of the Pakistan Air Force’s secretive NG‑MMCCs. These mobile centres were designed to act as backup command‑and‑control nodes in the event that Pakistan’s Air Defence Operations Centre (ADOC) and Command Operations Centres (COCs) were incapacitated.

Their destruction represented a significant blow to Pakistan’s contingency planning and caused alarm among external observers, including the United States, which viewed the elimination of these assets as a major escalation in South Asia’s strategic environment.

The NG‑MMCCs were equipped with advanced Artificial Intelligence‑driven Decision Support Tools (AI DSTs). These systems were intended to provide rapid situational awareness, automated threat analysis, and resilient command‑and‑control capabilities under contested conditions.

The project itself was a joint collaboration between the Turkish military and Pakistan’s Centre for Artificial Intelligence in Command and Control (CENTAIC), reflecting a growing partnership in defence technology between Ankara and Islamabad.

The destruction of these mobile centres highlights the vulnerability of Pakistan’s backup C2 infrastructure and underscores the precision of the Indian Air Force strike.

Analysts note that the NG‑MMCCs were considered critical for maintaining operational continuity in the event of large‑scale attacks on fixed command centres.

Their loss forced Pakistan to accelerate efforts to rebuild and reinforce its mobile command capabilities with Turkish assistance, culminating in the recent delivery.

Turkey’s decision to deliver replacements demonstrates both strategic solidarity and a deepening defence relationship. The integration of AI DSTs into these mobile centres represents a leap in command‑and‑control resilience, aligning with broader trends in modern warfare where artificial intelligence is increasingly embedded into operational decision‑making.

For Pakistan, the restoration of NG‑MMCC capability is essential to ensure survivability of its air defence network and to reassure its military leadership of continued operational readiness.

The episode also illustrates the growing role of Turkish defence technology in South Asia, with Ankara positioning itself as a key supplier of advanced systems to Pakistan.

The collaboration through CENTAIC further cements Pakistan’s ambition to integrate indigenous AI research with foreign technological expertise, thereby enhancing its strategic autonomy in the face of regional challenges.

Agencies


US Envoy Sergio Gor Calls Jammu And Kashmir Important Part of India, Says 'Incredible' Steps Taken To Make It More Safe


US Ambassador Sergio Gor made his first standalone visit to Jammu and Kashmir since the abrogation of Article 370 in 2019 and the Pakistan-backed terror attack in Pahalgam in 2025.

He met Chief Minister Omar Abdullah in Srinagar and described Jammu and Kashmir as an important part of India.

Speaking to the media after the meeting, Gor praised the security efforts undertaken by the Union Territory administration and the Centre to make the region safer.

He signalled that Washington may re-evaluate its current Level 4 “do not travel” advisory for Jammu and Kashmir, hinting at a possible downgrade.

Gor said that he was thrilled to visit the region, calling it an incredibly beautiful place. He emphasised that the meeting with the Chief Minister was warm and cordial, and that follow-ups would be taken back to Washington and New Delhi to build the relationship further.

The envoy noted that incredible steps had been taken to improve safety in Jammu and Kashmir. He explained that the United States regularly re-evaluates its travel warnings and while no announcement could be made immediately, the progress achieved would be considered in future reviews.

He added that Jammu and Kashmir is a beautiful area that many Americans would enjoy visiting, highlighting the opportunities that exist in tourism and other sectors.

Following the meeting, Chief Minister Omar Abdullah posted on X, expressing appreciation for the engagement. He said that discussions focused on widening and deepening ties between Jammu and Kashmir and the United States, particularly in tourism, horticulture, and the new economy. He expressed eagerness to continue the dialogue.

Ambassador Gor also posted on X, noting his appreciation for the opportunity to meet Omar Abdullah and learn more about his priorities. He confirmed that discussions centred on deepening economic collaboration and creating mutually beneficial opportunities.

Earlier in the day, before the envoy’s arrival, Omar Abdullah had expressed readiness to interact with Gor. He stressed that governance in Jammu and Kashmir remains a domestic matter and external entities hold no jurisdiction over local affairs.

The Chief Minister stated that it was not his habit to complain about local issues to foreign ambassadors, emphasising that problems in Jammu and Kashmir would be resolved by the government in India, not by Washington.

He reiterated that he would speak to Gor about Jammu and Kashmir but maintained that regional matters are strictly internal.

This visit marks a significant diplomatic engagement, reflecting both Washington’s interest in reviewing its travel advisory and Srinagar’s emphasis on strengthening economic and cultural ties while asserting domestic jurisdiction.

ANI


India’s Fighter Squadron Requirement Far Exceeds Current Strength; Needs 79 Squadrons To Secure Two‑Front Air Superiority


A new independent study published in Sage Journals has concluded that India requires between 67 and 79 fighter squadrons to secure a high probability of air superiority in a simultaneous two‑front conflict against near‑peer adversaries.

This figure is far higher than the Indian Air Force’s sanctioned strength of 42 squadrons and its current operational count of roughly 29 to 31 active squadrons.

The study employs a discrete‑time engagement‑gated Monte Carlo simulation framework to model dynamic, data‑farmed air combat scenarios under severe data constraints. This methodology allows for probabilistic outcomes across multiple iterations, providing a more realistic assessment of force requirements under varying conditions.

The exact number within the 67 to 79 range fluctuates depending on assumptions regarding China’s specific force commitment levels relative to the Indian theatre. If China deploys a larger proportion of its fleet to the region, the requirement rises towards the upper threshold. If commitments are lower, the figure remains closer to the baseline estimate.

Traditional benchmarks dating back to post‑1962 calculations are increasingly inadequate. They fail to account for the modern scale and pace of air force modernisation among near‑peer adversaries. China’s rapid expansion of its J‑20 stealth fleet and Pakistan’s integration of advanced Chinese systems have reshaped the regional air balance, demanding a reassessment of India’s force posture.

India’s sanctioned strength of 42 squadrons has long been considered sufficient for single‑front contingencies. However, the current operational strength of only 29 to 31 squadrons, depleted by retirements of older aircraft such as the MiG‑21, leaves a significant gap. This shortfall is compounded by delays in induction of new platforms and the slow pace of indigenous development.

The estimated requirement of 67 to 79 squadrons underscores the scale of India’s challenge. Achieving this level of force would require both accelerated acquisitions and rapid modernisation of existing fleets. Without such measures, India risks entering a two‑front conflict with insufficient airpower to guarantee superiority.

The study highlights the importance of fast‑tracking India’s air combat capability. Indigenous programs such as the Advanced Medium Combat Aircraft remain years away from operational readiness, while external acquisitions face budgetary and logistical hurdles. Bridging the gap will require a combination of immediate procurement, sustained investment, and long‑term planning.

India’s requirement is not merely a numerical target but a strategic imperative. Air superiority is the foundation of modern warfare, enabling freedom of manoeuvre for ground and naval forces, deterring adversary escalation, and ensuring national security. Without adequate squadrons, India’s ability to defend its borders and project power in the region will remain compromised.

The independent study therefore provides a stark warning. Unless India expands its fighter fleet to at least 67 squadrons, and ideally closer to 79, its capacity to prevail in a simultaneous two‑front conflict will remain uncertain. The urgency of this requirement cannot be overstated, as adversaries continue to modernise at industrial scale.

India Charts Twin Fighter Path With TEJAS MK-1A Deliveries And AMCA Development

India’s fighter fleet transition is now firmly structured: HAL is accelerating TEJAS MK-1A deliveries with the first handovers expected by August–September 2026, while ADA and DRDO are driving the AMCA fifth‑generation program under a strict public‑private roadmap that targets prototype rollout by 2027–29 and induction by the mid‑2030s.

Aircraft Program Prototype/Initial Flight Mass Production Target Core System & Localisation Highlights
TEJAS MK-1A Operational/Flight Trials Ongoing 2026–2034 Indigenous: Uttam AESA Radar, Advanced EW Suite, Astra BVR Integration. 180 total on order.
TEJAS MK-2 Target First Flight: Late 2026/Early 2027 Mid-2029 Indigenous Evolution: Heavier 4.5-gen variant, GE F414 engine, higher payload capacity.
Rafale (MRFA Plan) Flight-Proven/Operational (36 jets in service) 2028–2029 (Domestic fuselage assembly start) High Localisation: 114 jets planned (18-22 flyaway, 92-96 built in India via Dassault-Tata partnership); hardwired Interface Control Document (ICD) for integration of Indian weapons.
AMCA (MK-1/MK-2) Target First Flight: 2028–2029 2033–2035 Indigenous 5th-Gen: Stealth airframe, internal weapons bay, supercruise. MK-2 to feature custom 120 kN powerplant (Safran or Rolls-Royce/Reliance proposals).

The Indian Air Force has committed to 180 TEJAS MK-1A fighters. The initial contract for 83 aircraft was followed by approval for 97 more, bringing the total to 180. Early delays were caused by shortages of General Electric F404 engines, but HAL has stabilised supplies.

By mid‑2026, nearly 30 airframes were structurally complete, with five to six fully assembled and undergoing integration trials. HAL has already received six engines, with 15–20 more expected in FY27, allowing backlog conversion into deliverable fighters.

The first official handovers are targeted for August–September 2026, coinciding with Astra beyond‑visual‑range missile testing. By December 2026, HAL aims to deliver 18–24 aircraft to form the nucleus of a second squadron. The deadline for the first operational squadron is March 2027.

Completion of the first batch of 83 jets is expected by 2029–30, while the follow‑on 97 aircraft should be delivered by 2033–34. HAL has expanded production capacity with three lines, including a new Nashik facility, raising annual output from 8–12 to 24 units.

Financially, HAL reported ₹33,050 crore revenue in FY26, with its order book swelling to ₹2.54 lakh crore, including the TEJAS contracts.

The TEJAS MK-1A incorporates AESA radar, advanced electronic warfare suites, digital cockpit, and Astra missile integration. Indigenous subsystems are being prioritised, with the Uttam AESA radar completing over 125 flight trials and scheduled for integration from the 41st production aircraft onwards.

Uttam offers detection ranges up to 240 km against fighter‑sized targets, multi‑target tracking, and compatibility with ASTRA MK-2 missiles. HAL has placed a ₹2,205 crore order for antenna arrays to support serial production, ensuring most of the second batch of 97 aircraft will feature Uttam.

Parallel to this, the AMCA program has entered a decisive phase. In May 2026, the Ministry of Defence issued a ₹15,000 crore Request for Proposal for five prototypes. Private consortia—Tata Advanced Systems, L&T‑BEL‑Dynamatic, and Bharat Forge‑BEML‑Data Patterns—are competing, with HAL excluded from lead integration. Contract signing is expected by late 2026.

The roadmap mandates rollout of the first prototype by 2027–29, maiden flight by 2028–29, and completion of 1,800 test sorties by 2032. Limited Series Production is scheduled for 2033–34, with full induction by 2035.

The AMCA MK-1 will use imported GE-F414 engines, while MK‑2 will feature a 120 kN thrust indigenous engine co‑developed with Safran. The aircraft will incorporate stealth shaping, radar‑absorbent materials, internal weapons bays, supercruise capability, and AI‑driven sensor fusion. ADA describes it as a “5.5‑generation” fighter, embedding sixth‑generation computing into a fifth‑generation airframe.

The GE-F404 engine powering TEJAS MK-1A produces about 17,700 lbf thrust, while the F414 intended for TEJAS MK-2 and AMCA MK-1 delivers 22,000 lbf, with improved fuel efficiency, durability, and payload capacity. The F414’s larger fan and advanced blisk compressor increase airflow by 16%, enhancing performance.

India’s future fleet transitions are thus clearly defined. TEJAS MK-1A deliveries will stabilise squadron strength through 2034, TEJAS MK-2 will bridge the gap with heavier payloads and GE F414 engines by 2029, and AMCA will provide stealth capability by 2035. Together, these tracks aim to restore the IAF’s sanctioned strength of 42 squadrons and reduce reliance on imports.

Agencies


'J&K’s Problems Are To Be Resolved By Delhi, Not Washington Or Any Other Foreign Power': Chief Minister Omar Abdullah


Chief Minister Omar Abdullah has firmly stated that Jammu and Kashmir’s problems must be resolved by New Delhi, not Washington, ahead of US Ambassador Sergio Gor’s maiden visit to the Union Territory.

While Gor’s remarks describing J&K as an “important part of India” have drawn praise in India and protest in Pakistan, Abdullah emphasised that foreign governments have no jurisdiction over local issues.

Omar Abdullah clarified that he would meet Ambassador Sergio Gor to discuss the situation in Jammu and Kashmir but would not seek solutions from a foreign envoy. He stressed that it would be wrong for him to take complaints to another country’s ambassador, reiterating that governance in the Union Territory is strictly a matter for India’s central government.

Sergio Gor, who is also the US Special Envoy for South and Central Asia, arrived in Srinagar on his first standalone visit to Jammu and Kashmir since the abrogation of Article 370 in 2019 and the Pakistan-backed Pahalgam terror attack in 2025.

His visit marks the first by a serving US ambassador to the Valley in seven years, underscoring Washington’s renewed engagement with the region.

During his meeting with Omar Abdullah, Gor described Jammu and Kashmir as an “important part of India” and praised its beauty and improved security. He hinted that Washington may reconsider its Level 4 “Do Not Travel” advisory for the Union Territory, a warning long criticised for damaging tourism and projecting instability. Gor said the US regularly re-evaluates its travel warnings and would examine whether the current advisory should be downgraded.

Abdullah acknowledged the envoy’s interest but downplayed the significance of the visit, noting that “Washington won’t solve Kashmir’s problems.” He emphasised that discussions with Gor focused on widening and deepening ties in tourism, horticulture, and the new economy, while firmly maintaining that regional matters remain internal to India.

The meeting was described as warm and cordial, with Gor posting on X that he appreciated the opportunity to learn more about Abdullah’s priorities. He confirmed that talks centred on deepening economic collaboration and creating mutually beneficial opportunities.

Abdullah also posted on X, expressing appreciation for the engagement and eagerness to continue dialogue on economic cooperation.

Gor’s itinerary includes meetings with Lieutenant Governor Manoj Sinha and a trip to Ladakh. His dual role as US Ambassador to India and Special Envoy for South and Central Asia adds weight to the visit, particularly since the US has not appointed an ambassador to Pakistan since 2025. This amplifies perceptions of Washington leaning closer to New Delhi at a sensitive time.

Pakistan reacted sharply to Gor’s remarks, summoning the US Charge d’Affaires in Islamabad and lodging a formal protest. Its foreign ministry described Gor’s comments as “factually incorrect” and “irresponsible,” accusing the envoy of undermining Washington’s long-standing position on Kashmir and international law. Islamabad categorically rejected the characterisation of Jammu and Kashmir as part of India.

The envoy’s suggestion of reviewing the travel advisory is particularly important for New Delhi, which has sought international recognition of security improvements in Kashmir since 2019. Analysts argue that if the US follows through, it would be a major diplomatic victory for India, aligning with its long-term goals of normalising the region and projecting stability.

The backdrop of Gor’s visit is significant, coming after Operation Sindoor, India’s military response to the Pahalgam attack, and amid President Donald Trump’s repeated claims of mediating between India and Pakistan.

Against this unconventional backdrop, Gor’s remarks carry symbolic and diplomatic weight, strengthening India-US ties while risking friction with Pakistan.

Agencies


US Envoy’s Kashmir Visit Strengthens India Ties But Sparks Rift With Pakistan Says Foreign Affairs Expert Kugelman


Foreign affairs expert Michael Kugelman, Senior Fellow for South Asia at the Atlantic Council, has assessed that US Ambassador Sergio Gor’s visit to Jammu and Kashmir will provide a much-needed boost to India-US relations but simultaneously risks creating an unexpected rift with Pakistan.

He explained that Gor’s recognition of the region as an “important part of India” would be warmly welcomed in New Delhi, yet strongly resisted in Islamabad and Rawalpindi.

Kugelman emphasised that US-Pakistan relations had recently been sailing smoothly, but the envoy’s comments in Srinagar could disrupt this trajectory.

He described the development as an “unexpected bump” for Washington’s ties with Pakistan, noting that the remarks would not be well received by its leadership.

He highlighted the contrasting impact on Washington’s regional partners. Gor’s statement, including his suggestion that the US may ease its travel advisory for Kashmir, was seen as a major positive signal for India.

Kugelman argued that the US-India relationship is in need of momentum, and Gor’s visit has delivered precisely that. He noted that New Delhi would interpret the envoy’s words as a strong endorsement of its position on Kashmir.

At the same time, Kugelman urged caution about whether Gor’s remarks represent a formal shift in US foreign policy. He advised waiting for clarifications from the US embassy before drawing conclusions, stressing that while the visit is significant, it may not yet indicate a structural realignment of Washington’s stance.

He also placed the visit in a wider diplomatic context. This was the first time a US Ambassador had travelled to Jammu and Kashmir since India’s Operation Sindoor, which was conducted last year to avenge the terror attack in Pahalgam.

Kugelman recalled that President Donald Trump had previously taken an unconventional approach to the issue, claiming he mediated a ceasefire between India and Pakistan and expressing a desire to help both sides find a solution to Kashmir. Against this backdrop, Gor’s visit carried added significance.

Kugelman further observed that easing travel restrictions for US citizens would be a major diplomatic victory for India. Such a step would signal global recognition of improved security conditions in the region, aligning directly with New Delhi’s long-term diplomatic goals following the abrogation of Article 370 in 2019.

He explained that India has sought international acceptance of Kashmir as a normalised region, free from the levels of violence and instability that previously defined it.

The expert concluded that while Gor’s visit represents a notable boost for India-US relations, it simultaneously introduces new complications for Washington’s ties with Pakistan. The dual impact underscores the delicate balance the United States must maintain in South Asia, where strategic interests with both partners often collide.

ANI


Pakistani Cleric Claims Hafiz Saeed Sent 10,000 Youths To Fight In Kashmir


A Pakistani cleric, Maulana Nasir Madni, has claimed that Lashkar‑e‑Taiba (LeT) founder Hafiz Saeed sent more than 10,000 young men to fight in Kashmir, a statement that has reignited debate over Pakistan‑based militant recruitment and India’s long‑standing allegations against Saeed, FirstPost reported.

His remarks, made at a Bahawalpur rally, directly link Saeed to cross‑border militant activity despite his imprisonment.

Madni’s speech was delivered at a rally organised by the Pakistan Markazi Muslim League (PMML), a political outfit with links to LeT. In a video that has circulated widely, he praised Saeed as a figure who had made sacrifices for the country and claimed that Saeed had “presented 10,000 youths for Kashmir and for the sacrifice of the motherland.”

He referred to these men as “commandos” and questioned why they had remained silent while Saeed was in prison. The authenticity of the video has not been independently verified, but the remarks have drawn significant attention.

The cleric’s comments echo India’s long‑standing accusations that Saeed and LeT have recruited, trained, and facilitated militants for attacks against India. Saeed co‑founded LeT and later established Jamaat‑ud‑Dawa (JuD).

He has been designated a terrorist by both the United Nations and the United States, with Washington offering a $10 million reward for information leading to his conviction. His name has been repeatedly linked to major terror incidents, including the 2008 Mumbai attacks.

The timing of Madni’s remarks is notable. On 6 July 2026, India’s National Investigation Agency (NIA) filed a chargesheet naming Saeed as a key accused in the April 2025 Pahalgam terror attack, which killed 26 people.

The NIA accused Saeed and LeT of conspiring to wage war against India under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act. A special NIA court subsequently issued a non‑bailable warrant against him, underscoring India’s determination to pursue accountability despite his imprisonment in Pakistan.

Pakistan maintains that Saeed is serving prison sentences in connection with terror‑financing cases. However, Indian officials and security analysts argue that Pakistan‑based militant networks continue to operate, with Saeed allegedly retaining influence over them despite incarceration.

Reports suggest that his ideological and organisational reach remains intact, though Saeed and his supporters deny any militant links, portraying his organisations as charitable and humanitarian.

Madni’s claim contradicts Saeed’s public portrayal as a social worker and philanthropist. By explicitly linking him to the mobilisation of thousands of fighters for Kashmir, the cleric’s remarks have revived questions about the scale of LeT’s involvement in terrorism and the role allegedly played by its founder. 

Analysts note that even if the figure of 10,000 cannot be independently verified, the statement itself is significant because it publicly acknowledges militant recruitment activities that Pakistan has often sought to downplay.

The claim also comes amid heightened scrutiny of Pakistan’s militant landscape. Indian intelligence has repeatedly warned of LeT’s attempts to rebuild infrastructure in Pakistan‑occupied Kashmir, including training camps and launch pads near the Line of Control. Madni’s remarks add weight to concerns that militant networks remain resilient and continue to pose a threat to regional stability.

For India, the cleric’s statement reinforces its narrative that Pakistan has not dismantled LeT’s operational capacity. For Pakistan, it raises uncomfortable questions about the extent of Saeed’s influence and the credibility of its claims that he is merely a prisoner serving sentences for financial crimes.

The broader implication is that militant networks, despite leadership setbacks, retain the ability to regenerate and sustain cross‑border operations.

Agencies


'US Travel Advisory Easing On J-K Would Be Major Victory For India' Foreign Affairs Expert Michael Kugelman Says


Foreign affairs expert Michael Kugelman has stated that the potential easing of the United States travel advisory on Jammu and Kashmir would represent a major diplomatic victory for New Delhi.

He explained that such a move would validate India’s efforts to project normalcy in the region following the abrogation of Article 370 in 2019.

Kugelman analysed the recent engagement between US Ambassador Sergio Gor and Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister Omar Abdullah in Srinagar, stressing the historical importance of the visit. He noted that this was the first trip by a US Ambassador to the Union Territory since Operation Sindoor, which India launched to avenge the Pakistan-backed terror attack in Pahalgam in 2025.

He highlighted the unconventional diplomatic backdrop, recalling that President Donald Trump had previously claimed to mediate a ceasefire between India and Pakistan after Operation Sindoor.

Trump also made unusual remarks about helping both sides find a solution to the Kashmir issue, which diverged from traditional US policy. Kugelman argued that against this backdrop, the Ambassador’s visit to Kashmir carried added significance.

He emphasised that easing travel restrictions for US citizens would serve as a global endorsement of improved security conditions in Jammu and Kashmir. Such a step, he said, would align directly with India’s long-term diplomatic goals of portraying the region as stable and safe.

Kugelman added that the Indian government has consistently sought international recognition of its claim that the 2019 constitutional changes were designed to normalise Kashmir.

He explained that if Washington were to downgrade its Level 4 “do not travel” advisory, it would send a powerful signal to Americans and the wider international community that Kashmir is safe for tourism and investment. This would not only mark a policy success for India but also strengthen bilateral ties between New Delhi and Washington.

Kugelman advised caution until official embassy statements are released, but he acknowledged that the initial outcomes of Ambassador Gor’s Srinagar trip already point to a strengthening of India-US engagement. He underlined that the envoy’s remarks about Jammu and Kashmir being an “important part of India” were particularly notable.

Ambassador Gor, speaking after his meeting with Chief Minister Omar Abdullah, praised the security measures taken by the Union Territory administration and the central government. He described Jammu and Kashmir as an incredibly beautiful place and expressed his delight at visiting for the first time. He confirmed that discussions had been warm and cordial, with follow-ups planned in Washington and New Delhi.

The US envoy signalled a possible shift in Washington’s stance by stating that the United States would re-evaluate its travel advisory. He noted that incredible steps had been taken to make the region safer and emphasised that the advisory is periodically reviewed.

While he refrained from making any immediate announcements, his comments suggested that a downgrade of the advisory is under consideration.

At present, the United States maintains its highest-level travel warning for Jammu and Kashmir, advising citizens not to travel to the region. A change in this position would represent a significant diplomatic achievement for India, reinforcing its narrative of stability and normalisation in the Union Territory.

ANI


Wednesday, August 19, 2026

IAF Woman Pilot Bravehearts Struck Terrorist Hafiz Saeed’s Muridke Headquarters During Operation Sindoor


One of the most significant revelations from Operation Sindoor has now come to light. A female fighter pilot of the Indian Air Force was among those who struck the Muridke headquarters of Lashkar-e-Taiba, the terror organisation led by India’s most wanted terrorist Hafiz Saeed, The Print reported.

Sources within the defence and security establishment confirmed that the woman Flight Lieutenant was part of the strike package that targeted the LeT headquarters. She was flying a Su-30MKI, a versatile aircraft capable of firing both Rampage and BrahMos air-to-ground missiles.

These weapons were used extensively during the 87-hour conflict. Officials declined to specify which missile was employed in the Muridke strike, noting that details of the weapons used remain classified.

It was acknowledged that Pakistan likely retrieved missile debris from the site and would be attempting to identify the make and origin of the weapon systems involved. This forms part of the intelligence battle that followed the strikes.

The operation has also been documented in a two-part docu-series titled Declassified: Operation Sindoor, released by Discovery Channel. The series features a woman officer whose identity remains concealed, further corroborating the involvement of female pilots in the mission.

It is understood that more than one woman fighter pilot participated in the operation. Defence sources emphasised that once inducted into the fighter stream, pilots are regarded simply as fighter pilots, without distinction of gender. Both male and female pilots undergo identical training and assume the same operational responsibilities.

Women pilots were involved in targeting multiple military locations during the 87-hour conflict. They flew both Su-30MKI and Rafale aircraft. In some missions, women officers served as Weapon System Operators, while in others they were the pilots themselves.

On the opening day of Operation Sindoor, nine targets were struck by Indian forces. Of these, two were hit by the Indian Air Force—the Muridke headquarters of Lashkar-e-Taiba and the Bahawalpur headquarters of Jaish-e-Mohammed. The remaining targets were destroyed by the Indian Army using loitering munitions and long-range artillery.

The involvement of women fighter pilots in such high-intensity operations marks a historic milestone for the Indian Air Force. It demonstrates their growing role in frontline combat missions and underscores the service’s commitment to gender-neutral operational deployment.

This revelation also highlights the precision and effectiveness of the IAF’s strike capability, with women officers playing a crucial role in missions against some of the most notorious terror organisations operating from Pakistani soil.

Agencies


Pakistan Expands Defence Diplomacy With Somalia A Country Known For ITs Ruthless Pirates


Pakistan is expanding its defence engagement beyond its immediate neighbourhood through a new security agreement with Somalia, Economic Times reported.

The pact was signed in Islamabad on 4 August and covers counter-terrorism, military training, exchanges and capacity building.

This development came only days before Pakistan joined Saudi Arabia and Turkey in the Mecca Joint Defence Agreement, signalling Islamabad’s broader effort to use military cooperation as an instrument of regional diplomacy despite severe financial constraints.

The Pakistan-Somalia defence cooperation agreement builds upon existing collaboration between the two countries in security and counter-terrorism. Pakistan has previously offered training and expertise to Somali security institutions, and Somalia has sought to benefit from Islamabad’s experience in counter-terrorism.

The Defence Export Promotion Organisation of Pakistan has also highlighted the country’s record in providing counter-terrorism training to foreign forces and conducting joint exercises with Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, China and Jordan.

This agreement represents an expansion of Pakistan’s defence engagement with Somalia rather than a return to its earlier peacekeeping role. During the early 1990s, Pakistani armed forces participated in the United Nations operation in Somalia, where Pakistani peacekeepers lost their lives.

Reports have also suggested Somali interest in acquiring Pakistani JF-17 fighter aircraft, potentially with Saudi and Turkish backing, though no contract has been confirmed and these remain unverified.

The growing role of Field Marshal Asim Munir in Pakistan’s defence diplomacy is evident in these developments. Munir accompanied Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif to Saudi Arabia from 6 to 8 August for discussions on strengthening bilateral relations and regional issues.

His involvement has also been visible in Pakistan’s dealings with Turkey, where he travelled in July to meet President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and Defence Minister Yasar Guler to discuss strategic and defence cooperation. The Somalia agreement therefore fits into a broader pattern of Pakistan’s military establishment playing a central role in external partnerships.

Three days after signing the Somalia pact, Pakistan joined Saudi Arabia and Turkey in the Mecca Joint Defence Agreement. This pact commits the three countries to treat an armed attack against one member as an attack against all, while envisaging closer military coordination, joint exercises and defence-industrial cooperation.

It adds another dimension to Pakistan’s growing defence relationships with Saudi Arabia and Turkey. Turkey contributes defence technology and manufacturing capabilities, Saudi Arabia provides financial resources and regional influence, while Pakistan offers a large military establishment, training capacity and nuclear deterrence.

Somalia’s strategic importance lies in its location connecting the Gulf, Red Sea, Gulf of Aden and western Indian Ocean.

The timing of the agreement is significant as Saudi Arabia has been expanding its engagement across the Red Sea and Horn of Africa, while Turkey has developed a substantial security presence along Somalia’s coastline.

Pakistan’s strengthening defence ties with both countries could give Islamabad a role in a broader security network stretching from the Arabian Peninsula into the western Indian Ocean.

Pakistan’s expanding defence diplomacy also highlights the challenge of sustaining such partnerships given its financial constraints. A sustained military role in Somalia would require personnel, equipment, logistics and funding, resources that Pakistan may struggle to provide.

There is also the possibility that Islamabad’s role could become closely linked to the strategic calculations of Saudi Arabia and Turkey.

The Horn of Africa is a contested region involving Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Turkey, Qatar, Egypt, the United States and China, while Somalia itself has sought to diversify its external partnerships.

For Pakistan, defence diplomacy offers a way to pursue greater strategic relevance without deploying large combat forces. The challenge will be sustaining these partnerships without placing additional pressure on its economic and strategic capacity.

The Somalia agreement, signed shortly before the Mecca pact, underscores Islamabad’s effort under Asim Munir to pursue a broader defence and diplomatic role.

Agencies


NIA Court Issues Non-Bailable Warrant Against Pakistan-Based LeT Commander Mohammad Yaqoob


A special NIA court in Jammu has issued a non-bailable warrant against Mohammad Yaqoob, a Pakistan-based Lashkar-e-Taiba operational commander.

Officials confirmed that the warrant was issued last month against the absconding accused, who is also known by the aliases Abu Sumama, Sumama Ilyas and Waris Ali. Yaqoob has been designated as a terrorist of Pakistani origin and is accused of orchestrating terror activities in Jammu and Kashmir.

This is the second such warrant issued by the NIA court in Jammu since July 8. Earlier, the same court had issued a non-bailable warrant against Hafiz Saeed, the chief of the proscribed LeT, in connection with the Pahalgam terror attack case.

Yaqoob was among the 23 individuals designated as terrorists by the Union Home Ministry on July 4. He operates from Islamabad’s Chatta Bakhtawar area and is responsible for coordinating financial and logistical support for LeT cadres active in Kashmir.

According to the court order dated July 16, the warrant was sought by the NIA in connection with an ongoing investigation under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, the Arms Act and the Explosive Substances Act at a police station in Srinagar.

The case originated from the arrest of motorcyclist Mohammad Naqeeb Bhat at Gujar Tent, Pandach, where a Chinese grenade and 15 live rounds were recovered earlier this year.

Bhat’s arrest led to the unravelling of a major terror network spread across multiple states. Four more terrorists were arrested, including two Pakistani nationals — Abdullah Rajput alias Kamran Ahmed and Khubaib alias Usman Jatt.

The NIA informed the court that its investigation revealed the involvement of Pakistan-based handler Mohammad Yaqoob, based on disclosures made by the arrested terrorists and material evidence collected during the probe.

The agency stated that Yaqoob had directed the arrested accused to carry out terrorist activities in the Valley, targeting both security forces and civilians. After examining the application and case records, the court observed that the accused remained at large and that the investigating agency had been unable to secure his attendance through ordinary means.

Consequently, the court allowed the application and issued a general non-bailable warrant of arrest. The order was forwarded to the Deputy Inspector General, NIA Jammu, for execution in accordance with law.

This development underscores the continuing efforts of Indian agencies to dismantle cross-border terror networks and hold Pakistan-based operatives accountable for their role in sponsoring violence in Jammu and Kashmir.

PTI


Op Sindoor Documentary Rattles Pak, It Rushes To Issue 'Clarification' At 2 Am


Pakistan’s military establishment has reacted sharply to the release of Discovery Channel India’s two-part documentary Declassified: Operation Sindoor, which premiered on 15 August, FirstPost reported.

The production revisits the four-day India–Pakistan conflict of May 2025, triggered by the Pahalgam terror attack of 22 April 2025, and has unsettled Rawalpindi’s narrative of events.

The documentary features senior Indian military and security officials who were directly involved in the planning and execution of Operation Sindoor. It provides a rare behind-the-scenes account of India’s decision-making during the 88-hour campaign, including remarks from National Security Adviser Ajit Doval on deterrence and national security.

Doval emphasised that India’s generosity and restraint should not be mistaken for weakness, stressing that New Delhi was prepared to take risks and strike hard when national interests and citizens were threatened.

The production presents Operation Sindoor as a calibrated military response to the Pahalgam massacre, with the stated objective of dismantling terrorist infrastructure linked to the attack. It highlights India’s use of precision strikes against targets in Pakistan and Pakistan-occupied Jammu and Kashmir, and notes that the operation concluded after 88 hours with an understanding to cease hostilities.

Pakistan’s Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR) has rejected the documentary’s account, describing it as “highly dramatised, coloured and factually inaccurate.” ISPR accused India of attempting to rewrite the outcome of the confrontation, dismissing the documentary as a “Bollywood-style” propaganda video. It claimed that India was projecting a military blunder as a successful endeavour and rejected assertions of “100 per cent mission success.”

ISPR further maintained that Pakistani forces had resisted the Indian offensive and inflicted losses on Indian aircraft. It argued that the fighting ended through communication between the Directors General of Military Operations of both countries rather than through a decisive Indian victory. Pakistan also disputed India’s chronology of events, questioning the portrayal of the Pahalgam attack and subsequent military action.

The significance of the Discovery documentary lies in the access it provides to Indian officials who were directly involved in the operation.

Unlike the official statements issued during the conflict, the film revisits the campaign through detailed accounts from commanders and national security officials, offering a fuller picture of how India’s response was planned and executed. It places India’s version of events firmly on record, challenging Pakistan’s narrative and exposing the divergence between the two sides’ interpretations of the confrontation.

Agencies



Pakistan Calls India’s ‘100% Mission Success’ Claim In Operation Sindoor Documentary Factually Inaccurate


Pakistan’s military establishment has strongly rejected India’s portrayal of Operation Sindoor in Discovery Channel’s documentary, describing the claim of “100% mission success” as factually inaccurate.

The Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR), Pakistan’s military media wing, issued its response on Monday, challenging the Indian narrative of the 2025 conflict and accusing New Delhi of presenting a distorted account of the operation.

The ISPR pointed to Indian aircraft losses during the fighting as evidence that India did not achieve complete success. It further argued that the cessation of hostilities was the result of communication between the Directors General of Military Operations (DGMO) of both countries rather than a decisive Indian victory. This directly contests the documentary’s depiction of India’s military campaign as an unambiguous triumph.

The documentary, Declassified: Operation Sindoor, premiered on 15 August as a two-part production. It features accounts from Indian military leaders, ground operatives, defence experts and journalists, offering a behind-the-scenes look at the planning and execution of the 88-hour campaign.

Discovery had announced the project at the end of July, promising to trace the operation from strategic deliberations after the Pahalgam terror attack through to the May 7 strikes.

Pakistan has consistently maintained that its forces inflicted losses on Indian aircraft during the May 2025 fighting. Its foreign ministry had earlier claimed that Pakistan successfully neutralised Indian fighter jets and military targets, while accusing India of failing to achieve its strategic objectives.

The competing claims over aircraft losses remain one of the most contested aspects of the conflict, and Islamabad is now using this disputed battlefield record to challenge the documentary’s broader portrayal.

The ISPR’s rejection is significant because the documentary gives Indian commanders a platform to publicly describe decisions and events that had previously remained classified. Indian intelligence-linked sources, however, interpret Pakistan’s aggressive response as evidence that the documentary has struck a sensitive nerve in Islamabad’s post-conflict narrative.

They argue that Pakistan has not produced independently verifiable battlefield records, satellite imagery or operational logs to counter specific claims, instead focusing on undermining the credibility of the film.

These sources also allege that Pakistan’s description of the documentary as a cinematic reconstruction is an attempt to divert attention from questions about its own intelligence and operational preparedness. 

They believe the documentary is damaging to Islamabad because it places Indian military decision-making and battlefield accounts into the public domain.

The clash over the documentary is part of the continuing information war that accompanied the military confrontation itself. During Operation Sindoor, both sides promoted sharply different accounts of the fighting.

Pakistani military-linked narratives claimed damage to Indian installations and aircraft losses, while India accused Pakistan-linked networks of spreading manipulated material. Several viral claims and videos from the conflict were later found to be false, old or digitally altered.

Pakistan’s ISPR had itself released a documentary in July 2025 presenting its version of the conflict, highlighting what it described as evidence of Indian aircraft losses and damage to Pakistani civilian sites.

The latest reaction therefore mirrors India’s move: New Delhi has now put forward its own military account in a high-production documentary, and Islamabad is challenging that version.

The timing of the Discovery documentary is also notable. Operation Sindoor has increasingly moved into popular culture, with a Bollywood project being developed by filmmaker Vivek Agnihotri and producer Bhushan Kumar, based on Lt Gen KJS ‘Tiny’ Dhillon’s book Operation Sindoor: The Untold Story of India’s Deep Strikes Inside Pakistan.

This makes the ISPR’s response more than a disagreement over a television program; it is another round in the ongoing contest between India and Pakistan over who defines the narrative of the four-day confrontation.

Agencies


India Initiates Trial In Absentia Against 26/11 Pakistani LeT Terrorists Hafiz Saeed And Zaki-ur-Rehman Lakhvi


Nearly eighteen years after the 26/11 Mumbai terror attacks, India has taken a decisive step to pursue justice against key Pakistani accused who have remained outside its jurisdiction.

The Mumbai Police have initiated proceedings for trial in absentia against six Pakistani terrorists, including Lashkar-e-Taiba handlers Hafiz Saeed and Zaki-ur-Rehman Lakhvi.

This move is being carried out under Section 356 of the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita (BNSS), which replaced the Code of Criminal Procedure.

Special Public Prosecutor Ujjwal Nikam has approached the special court to begin proceedings against the wanted accused despite their absence from India. Mumbai Police Commissioner Deven Bharti has also written to Nikam, stressing that sufficient evidence exists against the accused and that their absence should not indefinitely stall the case.

This development is expected to become one of the most high-profile tests of Section 356 since the BNSS came into effect.

The 26/11 attacks, carried out between 26 and 29 November 2008, killed 166 people and injured hundreds. Ten Pakistan-based terrorists arrived by sea and targeted multiple locations, including the Taj Mahal Palace, Oberoi-Trident, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Terminus, Nariman House and Café Leopold.

Nine attackers were killed by security forces, while Ajmal Amir Kasab, the lone surviving terrorist, was tried and executed in 2012. Investigations traced the conspiracy to handlers in Pakistan who trained, equipped and guided the attackers.

The six accused now facing trial in absentia are Hafiz Saeed, Zaki-ur-Rehman Lakhvi, Sajid Mir, Mazhar Iqbal alias Abu Alqama, Asim alias Abu Qahafa and Major Abdur Rehman Pasha. Saeed is accused of engineering the attack, while Lakhvi, Alqama and Qahafa allegedly supervised the attackers from a Karachi control room during the assault.

Trial in absentia allows proceedings to continue even when the accused is not physically present, but only after strict safeguards are met. Section 356 requires that the accused be declared proclaimed offenders, with two consecutive arrest warrants issued at least thirty days apart.

Proclamations must be published, including in newspapers, and ninety days must elapse from the framing of charges before trial begins. Information must also be publicised at the accused’s last known residence, and relatives or associates informed. If the accused has no lawyer, the court must appoint one at the state’s expense. Evidence must still be presented and tested, ensuring the trial meets the standards of criminal justice.

The special court has already issued a proclamation against the six accused, directing them to appear by 18 August 2026. Nikam has sought issuance of the proclamation through Interpol, with the Ministry of Home Affairs forwarding it for international publication.

India has previously sought Red Corner Notices against several suspects, but those efforts did not secure their presence in court. Section 356 now provides a mechanism to prevent indefinite delays caused by absence abroad.

Lakhvi has long been described as the operational mastermind of the Mumbai attacks, even in Pakistan’s own investigation, though proceedings there have been criticised for lack of progress. Hafiz Saeed, the founder of LeT, has been accused by India and other countries of playing a central role in the conspiracy, though Pakistan’s original chargesheet did not name him. Kasab’s disclosures during interrogation also pointed to the roles of Saeed and Lakhvi.

A conviction in absentia would provide India with a formal judicial finding against the accused, though arrest and custody would still depend on Pakistan’s cooperation, extradition or other international mechanisms. The law cannot compel Pakistan to hand over the accused, but it ensures that their absence does not freeze the judicial process.

This move matters beyond 26/11. For years, India has struggled to prosecute cross-border terror planners who remain outside its jurisdiction. Section 356 attempts to close that gap by allowing trials to proceed after safeguards are met.

The current proceedings do not mean Saeed or Lakhvi have been convicted, but they mark the beginning of a process that could set a precedent for handling cases where accused remain beyond India’s physical reach. For a case that has symbolised the limits of cross-border justice, this represents a significant new chapter in India’s legal and counter-terror framework.