‘No Diktats’: President Putin Says India Answers To No One — Su-57 Offer Teased

Russian President Vladimir Putin delivered a sharp message at the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum (SPIEF) 2026, underscoring India’s independent foreign policy and rejecting any notion of external diktats, as reported by Zee News.

Speaking at a plenary session moderated by India Today, Putin emphasised that India has consistently pursued its own course in global affairs, never acting under the dictates of foreign countries. He drew a parallel with China, noting that sovereignty and sovereign decision-making cannot be contested.

Putin highlighted the depth of the India-Russia partnership, stressing that it extends beyond trade into joint development projects. He described the relationship as one founded on mutual trust and brotherhood, pointing to decades of military collaboration as a cornerstone of bilateral ties.

He reminded the audience that India has procured several aircraft and helicopters from Russia, reinforcing the long-standing defence cooperation between the two nations.

The Russian President also hinted at the Su-57 fifth-generation stealth fighter aircraft, describing it as one of the most advanced platforms and confirming that it has been offered to India. This potential collaboration, if realised, would mark a significant step in India’s airpower modernisation and further deepen defence ties.

Putin linked this offer to the broader tradition of joint projects, citing the BrahMos missile programme as a successful example of Indo-Russian cooperation, where experts from both countries worked together to produce a globally recognised system.

In his remarks, Putin took aim at the United States, criticising attempts to pressure India over its cooperation with Russia. He warned that such moves are detrimental to international relations and bilateral ties, stressing that putting pressure on Prime Minister Narendra Modi is counterproductive given India’s global stature as the most populous country and a leading economy. He reiterated that India’s sovereign choices must be respected, and external interference undermines stability.

The Russian leader also praised India’s human capital, lauding the talent pool and educational standards. He noted that Indian professionals have achieved worldwide recognition, particularly in coding and software engineering, which he described as a testament to the country’s competence and global reputation.

He characterised India-Russia ties as “very good, trust-based, brotherly relations in all senses of the word,” underscoring the unique nature of the partnership.

Putin’s remarks at SPIEF 2026 reinforced Moscow’s commitment to New Delhi as a strategic partner, while simultaneously sending a strong message to Washington. By offering advanced platforms like the Su-57 and celebrating joint successes such as BrahMos, Russia signalled its intent to continue deepening cooperation with India across defence and technology.

The emphasis on sovereignty and trust highlighted the resilience of the bilateral relationship in the face of external pressures, positioning India and Russia as enduring allies in a shifting global order.

Agencies

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Bridging The Gap: India Needs Su‑57s Now — AMCA’s Waiting Isn’t An Option

India is weighing the acquisition of Russia’s Su-57 stealth fighters as an interim solution to bridge its airpower gap until the indigenous AMCA enters service around 2035.

Persistent delays in the AMCA program, combined with China’s expanding J-20 fleet and Pakistan’s expected induction of the J-35, make the Su-57 a potential stopgap to maintain regional parity.

India’s Advanced Medium Combat Aircraft (AMCA) project represents the country’s most ambitious aerospace initiative, designed as a fifth-generation, twin-engine stealth fighter optimised for both the Air Force and Navy.

Spearheaded by the Aeronautical Development Agency under DRDO, the AMCA incorporates stealth features, internal weapons bays, advanced avionics, and supercruise capability. Unlike earlier flagship aircraft programs dominated by Hindustan Aeronautics Limited, the AMCA marks a structural shift by involving private sector consortia to accelerate timelines and reduce supply chain vulnerabilities. 

Despite this, the aircraft is unlikely to be inducted before 2035, leaving a critical capability gap in the interim.

Russian President Vladimir Putin has revived Moscow’s offer to supply and jointly produce the Su-57 with India, emphasising that the aircraft could have originally been a joint project under the now-defunct Fifth Generation Fighter Aircraft (FGFA) program.

India withdrew from FGFA in 2021 citing high costs and concerns over technology transfer, but the Su-57 has since matured into Russia’s first operational fifth-generation fighter. It features stealth characteristics, thrust-vectoring engines for high manoeuvrability, advanced sensor fusion, and long-range strike capability.

Russia has also demonstrated the aircraft in combat during the Ukraine conflict, though production numbers remain limited compared to Western platforms like the F-35.

India is reportedly considering the procurement of at least two squadrons, or around 36 Su-57s, subject to technical evaluation. Hindustan Aeronautics Limited has indicated that nearly half of its existing facilities could be adapted for local Su-57 production, leveraging infrastructure from the Su-30MKI program.

Russia has offered full technology transfer, integration of Indian subsystems, and even a two-seat variant capable of controlling drone swarms, aligning with India’s interest in manned-unmanned teaming concepts. Such provisions could make the deal more attractive by supporting India’s long-term industrial and operational sovereignty.

The urgency stems from regional developments. China has already inducted over 350 J-20 fighters and plans to field 1,500 by 2035, while also exporting the J-35 to Pakistan.

This would significantly alter the regional balance, especially given India’s shrinking squadron strength. Interim measures such as expanding Rafale purchases are being explored, but the Su-57 remains the only non-Western fifth-generation option available in the near term.

The American F-35 is considered unlikely due to restrictions on autonomy and political sensitivities, leaving Russia’s offer as the most realistic pathway.

India’s decision will hinge on balancing strategic autonomy, cost, and operational requirements. While the Su-57 could provide a rapid boost to stealth capabilities, concerns persist over its limited production run, questions about its stealth performance, and the risk of sanctions under US legislation such as CAATSA.

At the same time, Russia’s willingness to provide unrestricted technology transfer and align with India’s Make-in-India vision could tip the scales in favour of collaboration.

Ultimately, the Su-57 proposal is not merely about aircraft acquisition but about sustaining India’s deterrence posture until the AMCA matures. If accepted, it would reinforce the India-Russia defence partnership while ensuring that the Indian Air Force does not face a critical capability gap in the next decade.

Agencies

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Why India Is Set To Double Its S-400 Fleet?

India’s Defence Procurement Board has given the green light to the Indian Air Force’s proposal to procure five more Russian-made S-400 air defence systems. This move could double the country’s fleet to ten units upon delivery. The decision underscores the system’s proven effectiveness and responds to escalating missile threats worldwide.

The board, chaired by Defence Secretary Rajesh Kumar Singh, marks an initial milestone in the procurement journey. The proposal now advances to the Defence Acquisition Council for Acceptance of Necessity. Cost negotiations and final nod from the Cabinet Committee on Security will follow.

India presently fields three S-400 squadrons, with two additional ones due this year under a 2018 pact with Russia. That original deal, worth $5.43 billion, faced delays due to the Ukraine conflict and sanctions, yet deliveries have progressed steadily.

Operation Sindoor last year showcased the S-400’s battlefield prowess. The system reportedly downed several Pakistani fighter jets, a prized reconnaissance aircraft, and salvaged cruise and ballistic missiles at extended ranges. This real-world validation has fuelled the Air Force’s case for expansion.

Pakistani counterparts relied on Chinese HQ-9 systems during the skirmish, which Indian sources say buckled against strikes on vital installations. Such outcomes spotlight the S-400’s edge in contested airspace, blending long-range detection with multi-layered interception.

Geopolitical tensions amplify the urgency. Conflicts in West Asia reveal chinks in various air defence shields, including the HQ-9, while underscoring the expense of thwarting cheap drones and swarms. India eyes the S-400’s versatility to tackle these evolving perils.

Proliferation of long-range missiles and loitering munitions across South Asia heightens the stakes. China’s deployments along the Line of Actual Control, coupled with Pakistan’s arsenal upgrades, demand robust coverage on India’s eastern and western flanks.

The expansion aims to fortify deterrence. Spreading ten squadrons nationwide would create overlapping kill zones, shielding key assets like airbases, cities, and nuclear facilities from aerial incursions.

Procurement aligns with India’s multi-tiered air defence vision. The S-400 integrates with indigenous layers such as Akash-NG, MRSAM, and DRDO’s Project Kusha, fostering a seamless network against diverse threats from hypersonics to low-flying drones.

Should delays mount, focus might shift to homegrown options. Project Kusha, a long-range surface-to-air missile programme, nears fruition with trials slated soon, potentially filling gaps at lower costs.

A successful doubling to ten S-400s would elevate India’s posture to peer levels with Russia and China. It signals resolve amid two-front threats, blending combat lessons with strategic foresight.

In essence, this procurement reflects pragmatic defence calculus: leveraging battle-tested systems to bridge indigenous maturity gaps while global threats intensify.

IDN (With Agency Inputs)

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Russia To Deliver Fourth S-400 Air Defence System By May 2026

Russia has confirmed delivery of the fourth S-400 Triumf squadron to India by the end of May 2026. This milestone advances the landmark ₹40,000-crore contract signed in October 2018 during President Vladimir Putin's visit to New Delhi. Negotiations for the deal began as early as 2015, underscoring long-standing defence ties between the two nations.

Three squadrons have already reached India and stand fully inducted into the Indian Air Force. The first became operational in December 2021, deployed strategically in Punjab near the Pakistan border. Integration into the multi-tiered 'Sudarshan Chakra' air defence architecture has bolstered India's layered protection against aerial threats.

The system's real-world efficacy shone during Operation Sindoor last year—a tense four-day military standoff with Pakistan. Reports highlight its role in enhancing deterrence, with intercepted threats validating its capabilities amid regional volatility. This performance has reportedly solidified confidence in the platform among Indian defence planners.

Geopolitical pressures have tested the deal's progress, notably from the Russia-Ukraine conflict that disrupted supply chains. Factories and logistics faced setbacks, yet Moscow has stabilised operations to honour commitments. The fourth unit's timeline reflects improved coordination, with the fifth and final squadron slated for 2027.

Washington's scrutiny persists under the Countering America's Adversaries Through Sanctions Act, or CAATSA. Both the Trump and Biden administrations issued warnings over potential sanctions due to the Russian origin. India prioritises strategic autonomy and national security, steadfastly proceeding despite these risks.

Beyond the core contract, India eyes further enhancements. Discussions underway include procuring around 280 additional S-400 interceptor missiles to replenish stocks expended in recent operations. The Indian Air Force also plans ₹10,000 crore worth of other air defence missiles to fortify airspace comprehensively.

A proposed maintenance and repair centre in India could emerge from ongoing talks. Such a facility would enable swift fixes, cut long-term costs, and advance self-reliance in sustainment. Russia views this as a step towards deeper localisation in India's defence ecosystem.

The S-400 Triumf itself represents cutting-edge technology—a mobile surface-to-air missile system capable of engaging targets up to 400 km away. It employs multiple missile types for simultaneous intercepts across aircraft, drones, and ballistic threats. India's squadrons enhance its ability to counter diverse airborne incursions in the Indo-Pacific theatre.

Regional tensions with China and Pakistan amplify the urgency of these deliveries. Border skirmishes and aerial provocations necessitate robust long-range defences. The expanding S-400 footprint positions India to deter escalation while integrating with indigenous systems like Akash and QRSAM.

Indigenous efforts complement foreign acquisitions, aligning with Atmanirbhar Bharat goals. Projects like the Advanced Medium Combat Aircraft and local missile developments promise a balanced portfolio. Yet, proven systems like the S-400 provide immediate capability amid evolving threats.

As the fourth squadron nears, training and integration accelerate for air force personnel. Russian advisors assist in familiarisation, ensuring seamless incorporation into existing networks. Drills simulating multi-domain operations test interoperability with radars and fighters.

Economic dimensions merit attention too. The deal sustains jobs in Russia's defence industry while injecting advanced tech into India's manufacturing base. Offset clauses mandate technology transfers, fostering local production of components over time.

By mid-2026, four S-400 regiments will patrol Indian skies, projecting power amid Indo-Pacific uncertainties. This expansion signals resolve against coercion, reinforcing deterrence from Ladakh to the Arabian Sea. National security imperatives drive unwavering execution.

Agencies

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UAC CEO Unveils Russia's Comprehensive Su-57E Offer To India: Direct Sales And Su-30MKI-Like Licensed Production

Russia's United Aircraft Corporation (UAC), led by CEO Vadim Badekha, has made a comprehensive proposal to India for the Su-57E fifth-generation fighter jet, emphasising direct sales, licensed production akin to the Su-30MKI program, and unprecedented technology transfer including source code access.

This offer emerges amid India's quest for advanced combat aircraft to replace ageing fleets like the MiG-21 Bison, positioning the Su-57E as a bridge to future capabilities while aligning with the Make in India and Atmanirbhar Bharat initiatives.

Badekha highlighted in an exclusive interview that Russia views India as its sole privileged strategic partner worthy of such deep collaboration, drawing on over 60 years of joint aircraft production history from MiG-21 to Su-30MKI.

The proposal addresses past grievances from the Fifth Generation Fighter Aircraft (FGFA) program, abandoned in 2018 over concerns regarding costs, immature technology, and limited transfers; the matured Su-57E now boasts combat-proven performance in real operations, enhanced engines like Product 177, and open avionics architecture.

Key elements include full sharing of design documentation, engines, radar systems, AI integration, stealth technologies, and software source code, enabling Indian engineers at Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) to customise, modernise, and integrate indigenous weapons without external dependencies.

UAC proposes flexible pathways: outright purchase of ready aircraft for rapid induction or establishment of licensed production lines in India, mirroring the Su-30MKI model that has bolstered the Indian Air Force's backbone.

This aligns strategically with India's Advanced Medium Combat Aircraft (AMCA) program, potentially accelerating its development by providing insights into fifth-generation features such as sensor fusion, supercruise, and unmanned integration, while filling interim capability gaps.

Badekha assured that the Su-57E software contains no backdoors or Trojans, offering transparency and autonomy against Western platforms like the F-35, which impose restrictions; this counters concerns over potential vulnerabilities in foreign systems.

The aircraft's spacious payload bays support diverse weaponry, including stealth cruise missiles, with demonstrated efficacy in all-weather, jammed environments, making it the only fifth-generation jet with extensive combat exposure.

Russian officials, including Ambassador Denis Alipov, have reiterated support for AMCA while offering Su-57 co-production, transitioning from buyer-seller ties to joint ventures that enhance India's self-reliance.

Challenges persist, notably CAATSA sanctions from the US over Russian arms purchases, though direct Ruble-Rupee trade and localisation mitigate supply chain risks; India's sovereign choices remain unpressured by third parties.

Critics question the Su-57's production scale and full maturity, yet Badekha counters with serial deliveries to Russian forces and export commitments, underscoring its evolution from prototypes.

Former IAF Air Marshal Anil Chopra advocates the Su-57 as a pragmatic interim amid AMCA delays and Pakistan's J-35 acquisitions, warning against capability gaps without diverting fully from indigenous goals.

Acceptance could deepen Russo-Indian defence ties, provide operational learnings for AMCA, but risks resource diversion or logistical overlaps with existing fleets like TEJAS MK-2 and Rafale.

How Would Full Tech Transfer Affect AMCA Development Timeline

Full technology transfer from Russia's Su-57E program could significantly accelerate the Advanced Medium Combat Aircraft (AMCA) development timeline by providing Indian engineers with mature fifth-generation technologies, including stealth coatings, sensor fusion, AI-driven avionics, and advanced engine designs.

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India's AMCA project, led by the Aeronautical Development Agency (ADA), faces delays primarily in high-thrust engine development, with the baseline MK-1 variant projected for prototype flight around 2027-2028 and initial operational clearance by 2032-2035 without external aid.

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Access to Su-57E source code and design documentation would enable reverse-engineering and integration of proven systems like the N036 Byelka AESA radar and Product 177 engines, potentially shaving 2-3 years off prototyping and testing phases through reduced trial-and-error.

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This transfer aligns with AMCA's phased Block-1 (Stealth-Focused) and Block-2 (Enhanced Propulsion) roadmap, allowing HAL and DRDO to prioritise indigenous Kaveri-derived engines while borrowing validated subsystems for interim capabilities.

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Past FGFA collaboration yielded limited gains due to restricted access, but the current "Trojan-free" full transfer promise addresses this, fostering a "fly before freeze" paradigm with iron bird rigs and rapid validation, compressing certification from 5-7 years to 3-4 years.

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Engine tech from the AL-41F1 or Izdeliye 30 could bridge GTRE's challenges in single-crystal blades and adaptive cycles, enabling supercruise demos by 2029 instead of 2032, while co-development retains 100% IPR for sovereignty.

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Risks include integration complexities with indigenous weapons like Astra Mk2 and Uttam radar, potential CAATSA hurdles disrupting supply, and dilution of AMCA's purity if over-reliant on Russian IP, possibly extending customisation to 2034.

The offer represents a rare opportunity for India to secure fifth-generation technology with ownership, balancing short-term needs against long-term autonomy in a volatile regional security landscape.

​IDN (With Agency Inputs)

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Defence Ministers of India, Russia To Hold Key Talks On Thursday, 4 December 2025

Rajnath Singh & Russian Defence Minister Mr Andrey Belousov at a meet in Moscow Dec 10, 2024

India's Defence Minister Rajnath Singh and his Russian counterpart Andrey Belousov are scheduled to hold key talks on Thursday, 4 December 2025, ahead of the annual summit between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Vladimir Putin.

The discussions aim to bolster the longstanding defence and security partnership between the two nations, with a strong emphasis on accelerating the supply of critical military hardware from Russia to India.​

A primary focus will be India's interest in procuring additional S-400 surface-to-air missile systems, following their proven effectiveness during Operation Sindoor. Signed in October 2018 for USD 5 billion despite US warnings over CAATSA sanctions, the deal has delivered three squadrons, with the remaining two expected by mid-2026.

Reports indicate Russia may offer two to three more regiments, potentially with up to 50 per cent technology transfer to enable local assembly by firms like Bharat Dynamics Limited.​

The agenda also encompasses upgrades for Sukhoi-30 fighter jets and discussions on acquiring S-500 missile systems, alongside possible supply of Su-57 fifth-generation fighters.

Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov noted that Su-57 talks could arise, as India evaluates contenders like Rafale and F/A-18 for its advanced jet requirements. Belousov accompanies Putin, whose visit marks the 23rd annual summit, reviving high-level defence cooperation amid global tensions.​​

Indian officials plan to address longstanding delays in spares and equipment supplies, which have hampered maintenance of Russian-origin platforms constituting 60-70 per cent of India's arsenal. 

Recent Russian approvals for a military logistics pact underscore commitments to joint production and technology transfer under Make-in-India. These measures seek to mitigate supply chain disruptions exacerbated by the Russia-Ukraine conflict.​​

The Modi-Putin summit on Friday will review the broader strategic partnership, including energy, trade imbalances, and joint ventures in submarines and helicopters.

Russia remains a cornerstone of India's foreign policy, with 22 prior summits alternating between the capitals; Putin's last New Delhi visit was in 2021. Enhanced defence ties signal India's strategic autonomy amid pressures from Western partners.​​

Based On PTI Report

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US Attempts To Restrict India’s Access To Advanced Weapons From Israel And Russia

Israel's Arrow-2 missile interceptor system

Since the end of the Kargil War in 1999, India has been grappling with the reality of a possible two-front war scenario involving Pakistan in the west and China in the north. Pakistan, with China’s assistance, rapidly expanded its ballistic missile program, significantly altering the security balance in South Asia.

For India, which had already faced surprise intrusions in Kargil and witnessed China’s military consolidation in Tibet, the need for an advanced and trusted ballistic missile defence (BMD) system became critical.

It was during this period that New Delhi turned to Israel, a reliable defence partner, for the cutting-edge Arrow-2 missile defence system. However, the deal was abruptly blocked by the United States, highlighting the geopolitical limits of India’s defence diplomacy during that era.

The Arrow-2 interceptor system, co-developed by Israel Aerospace Industries and the U.S. Missile Defence Agency, was designed to neutralise short- and medium-range ballistic missiles up to a range of 300 km. India considered this system vital to counter Pakistan’s missile threat. Israel was willing to sell the platform, but because Washington had joint ownership rights over the technology, the transfer could not proceed without explicit U.S. approval. 

The United States, under the pretext that India was not then a signatory to the Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR), vetoed the sale. Washington further argued that such an advanced transfer to South Asia would fuel regional instability, though in practice, Pakistan continued its missile enhancement with Chinese assistance uninterrupted. This not only revealed a contradiction in American policy towards South Asia but also conveyed to India that U.S. restrictions often tilted the balance in Pakistan’s favour.

The official U.S. denial of the Arrow-2 transfer in 2002 marked a turning point in India’s defence strategy. Rather than over-relying on external suppliers, New Delhi directed the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) towards creating indigenous solutions.

This stimulus directly led to the ambitious Indian Ballistic Missile Defence Programme, which unfolded in multiple phases. In Phase 1, India developed the Prithvi Air Defence (PAD) and Advanced Air Defence (AAD) interceptors, capable of hitting incoming missiles in Exo-atmospheric and endo-atmospheric layers, respectively.

By 2016, DRDO had achieved notable success, prompting the initiation of Phase 2, where missile interceptors such as AD-1 and AD-2 were designed for more challenging threats, including intermediate-range ballistic missiles and hypersonic projectiles. Successful trials of AD-1 in November 2022 provided India with the ability to counter threats beyond 5000 km range, reflecting world-class technological achievement.

India’s program matured into a two-layered hit-to-kill defence shield, covering critical cities and military installations, ensuring far greater resilience against missile attacks. The proposed future advancement, referred to as the Sudarshan Chakra Sky Shield, envisions an even more comprehensive national defence net, possibly rivalling existing global missile defence systems.

Despite these self-reliant strides, U.S. influence in shaping India’s defence options continues. Historically, Washington has displayed reluctance in transferring sensitive surveillance and air defence technologies to India—for example, it withheld the sale of the Falcon AWACS system citing regional stability. In response, India turned to Russia, which has been a robust and non-restrictive defence partner, supplying systems such as the S-400 missile defence system, nuclear submarines, and advanced fighters.

However, in recent years, especially under U.S. administrations focused on countering Russia globally, Washington has worked to dissuade India from procuring Russian equipment by using instruments like the Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA). India’s continued purchase of Russian crude oil and defence platforms at affordable rates has further irritated sections of the U.S. leadership, particularly during Donald Trump’s presidency, which emphasised transactional diplomacy and “America first” policies.

Ultimately, American attempts to restrict India’s strategic autonomy in acquiring weapons from Israel and Russia have had mixed results. On one side, such restrictions caused immediate setbacks in India’s capability acquisition, as seen with Arrow-2.

On the other, these very actions indirectly strengthened India’s commitment to indigenisation and self-sufficiency, leading to the rise of a credible domestic missile defence architecture that now competes with some of the world’s most advanced systems.

The double standards of Washington—blocking India’s legitimate defence needs while overlooking Pakistan’s clandestine missile imports from China—remain a point of contention in Indo-U.S. relations. Simultaneously, this dynamic has reinforced India’s long-held strategic principle of maintaining a diversified defence procurement network between Russia, Israel, Europe, and now indigenous DRDO systems, preventing overdependence on any single supplier.

What the United States initially viewed as a measure to prevent regional instability largely backfired by propelling India’s strategic self-reliance mission. Washington’s attempts to block weapons imports from Israel and to pressure New Delhi against Russian deals only highlighted the limitations of U.S.-India defence convergence when American geopolitical calculations diverge from India’s security imperatives. For India, the episode underscores a lasting lesson: while international partnerships are important, national security resilience ultimately lies in homegrown defence innovation.

IDN (With Agency Inputs)

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Russia's Unprecedented Su-57E Offer: A Transformative Opportunity For India's Defence Manufacturing Capabilities

Russia's unprecedented proposal to supply India with the Su-57E stealth fighter, complete with source code access and local production capabilities, represents a potentially transformative moment for India's defence manufacturing sector. Announced on June 4, 2025, this comprehensive offer by Russia's United Aircraft Corporation encompasses not only the transfer of fifth-generation fighter technology but also provides India with the technological autonomy to customise and integrate indigenous systems—a level of access that surpasses anything previously offered by Western defence suppliers.

The proposal extends beyond conventional arms deals to include local production at Hindustan Aeronautics Limited's existing facilities, technology transfers that could accelerate India's own Advanced Medium Combat Aircraft program, and the integration of Indian-developed weapons systems, positioning this potential collaboration as one of the most significant defence partnerships between India and Russia in the modern era.

Revolutionary Technology Transfer And Source Code Access

The cornerstone of Russia's proposal lies in its offer of complete source code access for the Su-57E, a concession that represents a dramatic departure from standard international arms export practices. Indian officials have noted that this level of technological latitude "eclipses anything previously granted by Western suppliers," directly addressing longstanding concerns about technological sovereignty that have characterised India's defence procurement experiences. This unprecedented access would enable India to integrate domestically developed systems, including an Indian-manufactured mission computer and indigenous weapons platforms such as the Astra MK-1 and MK-2 beyond-visual-range missiles, Rudram anti-radiation missiles, and precision-guided air-to-ground weapons.

The technical specifications of the proposed Su-57E variant demonstrate substantial capabilities that align with India's operational requirements. The aircraft features low observability modifications, super-cruise capacity, and advanced sensor fusion technologies, complemented by an Active Electronically Scanned Array radar utilising Gallium Nitride technology. However, the export version may incorporate software limitations on range and operational modes to comply with Russian export restrictions, though the fundamental architecture would remain accessible to Indian engineers for customisation and integration purposes. This technological access represents a strategic shift from Russia's traditional export model, potentially driven by the need to maintain defence industry viability amid international sanctions while simultaneously strengthening bilateral defence ties with India.

Manufacturing Infrastructure And Production Capabilities

The production aspect of Russia's proposal leverages existing manufacturing infrastructure at HAL's Nasik facility, where India has successfully assembled nearly 220 Su-30MKI aircraft over the past decades. ROSTEC officials have confirmed that the facility can be rapidly adapted for Su-57 production, with many tools and machinery used for the Su-30MKI program being directly compatible with Su-57 manufacturing requirements. This compatibility represents a significant cost-saving opportunity and could enable India to begin local production with reduced setup time and investment compared to establishing entirely new manufacturing capabilities.

The technology transfer component extends beyond basic manufacturing to include comprehensive knowledge transfer across multiple domains. ROSOBORONEXPORT officials have indicated that the proposed deal would encompass technologies related to aero-engines, AESA radars, optics, artificial intelligence, software development, communications systems, and weapons integration. Such extensive technology sharing could provide substantial benefits to India's indigenous AMCA program, potentially accelerating development timelines and reducing technological risks associated with fifth-generation fighter development. The collaborative framework would also enable India to design and develop new aircraft platforms and critical systems, including advanced aero-engines, supporting long-term defence industrial capabilities.

Strategic Context And Regional Security Implications

The timing of Russia's Su-57E offer coincides with significant shifts in regional air power dynamics, particularly concerning China's expanding influence and Pakistan's potential acquisition of Chinese J-35A stealth fighters. Recent reports indicate that China may be offering Pakistan the J-35A at a substantial discount, with Pakistani pilots already undergoing training in China for these advanced aircraft. This development threatens to alter the aerial balance of power in South Asia, potentially providing Pakistan with fifth-generation capabilities that could challenge India's current air superiority advantages.

India's indigenous AMCA program, while promising, faces timeline constraints that create a potential capability gap in the near term. The program received approval for a new collaborative execution model on May 26, 2025, emphasising private sector involvement and international partnerships. However, the AMCA is not expected to achieve operational capability before the mid-2030s, creating a window of vulnerability that the Su-57E could potentially address. The Russian offer provides India with an opportunity to field fifth-generation capabilities more rapidly while simultaneously building the technological foundation for future indigenous programs.

Challenges And Strategic Considerations

Despite the attractive aspects of Russia's proposal, several significant challenges could complicate implementation. The United States' Countering America's Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA) poses potential sanctions risks for countries engaging in major defence transactions with Russia. India's previous experience with the S-400 air defence system acquisition demonstrated the complexities of managing such sanctions pressure, including payment mechanism challenges and diplomatic negotiations to avoid punitive measures. The current geopolitical environment, characterised by ongoing tensions between Russia and Western nations, adds additional layers of complexity to any potential Su-57E deal.

Furthermore, Russia's proposal arrives at a time when the United States is reportedly preparing its own fifth-generation fighter offer to India, potentially including the F-35A Lightning II. This competing proposal creates a strategic dilemma for New Delhi, requiring careful consideration of long-term partnership implications, technological benefits, and geopolitical alignments. The decision between deepening traditional defence ties with Russia versus expanding security cooperation with the United States carries significant implications for India's broader strategic positioning in the Indo-Pacific region.

Impact On India's Defence Manufacturing Evolution

The potential Su-57E collaboration represents more than a single aircraft acquisition—it could serve as a catalyst for transforming India's defence manufacturing capabilities from assembly-focused operations to advanced technology development and integration. The comprehensive technology transfer proposed by Russia would provide Indian engineers and scientists with direct exposure to fifth-generation fighter technologies, potentially accelerating indigenous capability development across multiple domains. This knowledge transfer could prove particularly valuable for the AMCA program, providing practical insights into stealth design, advanced avionics integration, and systems engineering for complex military aircraft.

The manufacturing implications extend beyond immediate production capabilities to include supply chain development, quality assurance systems, and maintenance infrastructure. Local production of the Su-57E would require establishing sophisticated manufacturing processes, testing facilities, and certification procedures that could benefit India's broader aerospace sector. The development of these capabilities would support India's "Atmanirbhar Bharat" initiative while potentially positioning the country as a regional hub for advanced defence manufacturing and technology development.

Conclusion

Russia's Su-57E proposal represents a unique opportunity for India to accelerate its defence manufacturing capabilities while addressing immediate security challenges in the region. The unprecedented offer of source code access, comprehensive technology transfer, and local production capabilities could provide India with the technological foundation needed to develop autonomous defence manufacturing capabilities in the fifth-generation fighter domain. However, successful implementation would require careful navigation of international sanctions risks, strategic partnership considerations, and technical integration challenges.

The proposal's success would depend on India's ability to balance competing geopolitical pressures while maximising technological benefits for long-term defence industrial development. If executed effectively, the Su-57E collaboration could establish a new paradigm for international defence partnerships, emphasising technology sharing and capability building rather than traditional buyer-seller relationships. This approach aligns with India's strategic objectives of achieving defence self-reliance while maintaining operational readiness in an increasingly complex regional security environment.

Agencies

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Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto Wish List Includes BrahMos Missiles

Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto has expressed a strong interest in acquiring BrahMos missiles, a supersonic cruise missile developed through an Indo-Russian joint venture. This potential acquisition aligns with Indonesia's strategic military enhancements and reflects the country's growing defence cooperation with India.

Prabowo Subianto aims to import BrahMos missiles, making Indonesia potentially the third Southeast Asian nation to do so, following the Philippines and Vietnam. His administration's focus on strengthening military capabilities is evident, despite budget constraints that may delay immediate purchases.

During his tenure as defence minister in 2020, Prabowo discussed BrahMos with Indian officials but could not finalize a deal due to financial limitations. Recent discussions have reignited interest in this advanced missile system.

The acquisition of BrahMos missiles is part of Indonesia's broader strategy to enhance its military capabilities amid rising regional tensions. The country has significantly increased its defence spending in recent years, indicating a commitment to modernizing its armed forces.

Despite the interest, there are concerns regarding potential U.S. sanctions under the Countering America's Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA), which could affect Indonesia if it proceeds with purchasing these missiles due to their Russian components.

Prabowo is also looking to enhance defence ties with India beyond missile procurement, including seeking support for maintaining Indonesia's Sukhoi fighter jets. His administration is keen on emulating successful Indian social programs as part of broader bilateral cooperation initiatives.

Prabowo's upcoming visit to India for Republic Day 2025 is expected to further solidify these defence partnerships and potentially move closer to finalizing the BrahMos deal.

ET

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Why India Choose S-400 Over American THAAD System: Analysis

India's decision to choose the S-400 air defence system over the American THAAD (Terminal High Altitude Area Defence) system was influenced by several strategic, operational, and economic factors.

On October 15, 2016, during the BRICS Summit, India signed an Inter-governmental Agreement with Russia for the procurement of five S-400 regiments, formalizing a deal worth approximately $5.43 billion on October 5, 2018. This decision came despite significant pressure from the United States, which threatened sanctions under the Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA) if India proceeded with the purchase.

Key Reasons For Choosing S-400

Versatility and Capability

The S-400 system is renowned for its versatility. It can engage a wide range of aerial threats, including aircraft, drones, and ballistic missiles, at various altitudes and ranges. It employs multiple missile types, allowing it to cover targets from 40 km to 400 km away. In contrast, THAAD is primarily designed to intercept ballistic missiles during their terminal phase and lacks the comprehensive engagement capabilities of the S-400.

2. Compatibility With Existing Systems

The S-400 is highly compatible with India's existing air defence infrastructure, including systems like the S-125 and aircraft such as the Su-30MKI. This interoperability enhances India's overall defence capabilities without requiring significant changes to its current military hardware.

Cost Considerations

The S-400 is less expensive than THAAD. Each S-400 system costs about $550 million and includes multiple launchers and missiles, while a THAAD system costs around $900 million with fewer interceptors. This cost efficiency allows India to deploy more units for wider coverage.

Strategic Defence Needs

Given India's geopolitical challenges, particularly with neighbouring countries like Pakistan and China, the S-400's ability to engage targets deep within enemy territory is crucial. The THAAD system's limited range means it would require multiple units to cover similar areas, making it less effective for India's needs.

India's choice of the S-400 over THAAD reflects a strategic decision aimed at enhancing its air defence capabilities while considering operational effectiveness, cost efficiency, and compatibility with existing systems. Despite U.S. warnings and potential sanctions, India has prioritized its defence requirements and regional security dynamics in this significant acquisition decision.

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India Faces Further Delay In Getting Final S-400 Russian Air Defence System

India is facing further delays in receiving the final two units of the Russian S-400 air defence system, with delivery now expected to extend into early 2026. This setback comes after an initial expectation that these units would arrive by 2025. The delays are attributed to ongoing disruptions caused by the Russia-Ukraine conflict, which has severely impacted Russia's military production and logistics capabilities.

India's procurement of the S-400 system began with a significant deal signed in 2018, valued at approximately $5.43 billion for five units. The first unit was delivered in December 2021, followed by two more units in 2022 and 2023, enhancing India's air defence capabilities against potential threats from both Pakistan and China. The S-400 system is known for its advanced technology, capable of tracking and neutralizing various aerial threats at ranges of up to 400 kilometers.

The delay in the final delivery raises concerns within the Indian Air Force (IAF), particularly as regional security tensions remain high, especially along the northern border with China. The IAF is reportedly exploring alternative air defense solutions to maintain operational readiness during this extended wait. The challenges posed by these delays highlight the importance of a robust air defence strategy amid evolving geopolitical dynamics.

As India anticipates the completion of its S-400 deployment, it may also consider bolstering its defence capabilities through additional systems or indigenous development initiatives. The strategic significance of fully operationalizing the S-400 units remains critical for India's national security posture in an increasingly complex regional environment.

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How Trump's Presidency Could Expedite Delayed India-US Defence Deals

The potential for expedited India-US defence deals under Donald Trump's second presidency is shaped by several strategic factors that align with both nations' interests. Donald Trump's presidency was characterized by a significant shift in U.S. foreign policy, particularly regarding military relations with India and the approach to Pakistan. 

Here’s how Trump's return could impact these delayed agreements:

The increasing assertiveness of China in the Indo-Pacific region has heightened security concerns for both India and the US. Trump's administration is likely to prioritize defence partnerships that address these mutual threats, which could lead to accelerated military cooperation and arms sales.

Historically, the Trump administration has been inclined to strengthen military ties with India. This focus is expected to continue, potentially leading to expedited resolutions of pending contracts, such as those involving fighter jets and advanced military hardware. For instance, the Indian Air Force's ongoing negotiations for new fighter jets could see renewed urgency under Trump.

India has expressed a strong desire for greater technology transfer from the US as part of its defence procurement strategy. The Trump administration may respond favourably to these demands, especially if it aligns with American interests in countering China's influence. This could facilitate not only faster approvals for arms sales but also collaborative projects in defence technology.

Strategic Purchases

India has taken a significant step towards enhancing its military capabilities by signing a $3.5 billion agreement with the United States for the procurement of 31 MQ-9B Predator drones. This deal, finalized on October 15, 2024, involves 15 Sea Guardian drones for the Indian Navy and eight Sky Guardian drones each for the Indian Army and Air Force, aiming to bolster India's surveillance and strike capabilities across various operational theatres, particularly in the Indo-Pacific region and along its borders with China.

Negotiations between GE Aerospace and Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) are currently underway to establish a joint production initiative for the GE F-414 jet engines in India. This collaboration is intended for use in the Tejas Mark 2 fighter jets and represents a significant step in enhancing US-India defence cooperation. 

The Trump presidency might also help resolve logistical delays that have plagued existing contracts. For example, issues related to the delivery of engines for India's TEJAS MK-1A fighter jets could be prioritized. With Trump assuming office as the President of the United States, the supply constraints of GE F414 jet engines India is facing right now may be expedited ensuring smoother supply chains for critical components.

Since the year 2000, U.S. arms exports to India have significantly expanded, encompassing a range of advanced military assets. This includes:

Air Assets:

28 Apache AH-64E attack helicopters

1,354 AGM-114 Hellfire anti-tank missiles

245 Stinger portable surface-to-air missiles

15 CH-47 Chinook heavy-lift helicopters

13 C-130J Super Hercules transport aircraft

11 C-17 Globemaster III heavy transport aircraft

Naval Assets:

1 Austin-class amphibious transport dock (INS Jalashwa)

24 MH-60R Seahawk naval helicopters

12 P-8I Poseidon aircraft for maritime patrol and anti-submarine warfare

Various anti-submarine torpedoes and Harpoon anti-ship missiles

24 naval gas turbines for ship propulsion systems

These transactions have been facilitated through the Foreign Military Sales (FMS) program and Direct Commercial Sales (DCS), with India emerging as a key partner for the U.S. in defence cooperation123. The total value of U.S. defence articles contracted by India since 2008 is reported to be nearly $20 billion.

The framework for co-design, co-development, and co-production established under previous administrations could gain momentum. Trump's administration may push for deeper collaboration in defence manufacturing, which would benefit both countries economically and strategically.

The Trump administration is expected to streamline processes for high-value defence exports, which may include drones, missile systems, and naval technologies. This approach could significantly reduce the time taken to finalize deals that have been stalled or delayed due to bureaucratic hurdles.

With ongoing geopolitical tensions, particularly involving Russia and Ukraine, Trump's presidency could lead to a reordering of global supply chains that benefits India. A more stable geopolitical landscape might ease some supply constraints currently affecting India's defence sector.

As India looks to modernize its armed forces with an estimated $200 billion budget over the next decade, the US aims to capture a larger share of this market by encouraging India to reduce its reliance on Russian military supplies. This economic imperative aligns with both nations' strategic interests and could lead to more aggressive marketing of US defence products in India.

Pakistan-China-Russia Factors

Donald Trump's presidency was characterized by a significant shift in U.S. foreign policy, particularly regarding military relations with India and the approach to Pakistan. 

During his administration, Trump actively sought to bolster military ties with India, viewing the country as a key strategic partner in countering regional adversaries. This included increased defence cooperation and arms sales, which were part of a broader strategy to enhance India's military capabilities in the face of threats from China and Pakistan.

In a notable move, Trump suspended $300 million in military aid to Pakistan, citing Islamabad's insufficient efforts to combat terrorism and its alleged support for militant groups that threaten U.S. interests in Afghanistan. This decision was part of a larger suspension of approximately $1.3 billion in aid, reflecting Trump's frustration with Pakistan's perceived "double game" of cooperating with the U.S. while harbouring terrorists. Trump's aggressive stance was underscored by his public statements, where he accused Pakistan of providing "nothing but lies and deceit" in return for U.S. aid.

Despite strengthening ties with India, Trump's administration faced challenges regarding India's procurement of the Russian S-400 air defence system. The purchase raised concerns about potential sanctions under the Countering America's Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA), which aims to deter countries from engaging in defence relationships with Russia. Although there were threats of sanctions, they were not ultimately enforced, indicating a complex balancing act between maintaining strong ties with India while adhering to U.S. legislative frameworks.

Concluding Thoughts

Trump's second term is poised to expedite delayed India-US defence deals through enhanced military cooperation driven by shared strategic interests, a focus on technology transfer, resolution of logistical challenges, and a favourable geopolitical context. The relationship between Prime Minister Modi and President Trump is expected to further bolster these initiatives, creating a conducive environment for deeper defence ties between the two nations.

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Russia Promises Final S-400 SAMs Delivery To India By 2025

Russia has promised to deliver the last two S-400 air defence systems to India in 2025. This is clear from the statement of Air Chief Marshal Amar Preet Singh, Commander of the Indian Air Force, during a press conference. According to him, Russia “has undertaken to deliver the remaining two units by next year.” “We will receive the next two S-400 systems next year,” The New Indian Express quoted the minister as saying.

Negotiations between Russia and India for the supply of five S-400 “Triumph” anti-aircraft missile systems began as early as 2015 when the Indian government showed interest in the latest Russian anti-aircraft systems. The S-400, known for its advanced radars and the ability to destroy targets at ranges of up to 400 km, is a key part of India’s defence modernization.

The negotiations have been going on for several years, going through various phases of approval and evaluation of the value of the deal, while also discussing issues related to financing and U.S. sanctions against countries that buy Russian weapons. Despite these external challenges, in 2018, India finally decided to take advantage of the system by signing the $5.43 billion contract to supply the five battalions.

The final signing of the agreement took place during an official visit by Russian President Vladimir Putin to India in October 2018, with the agreement coming into effect immediately. Despite threats of sanctions under America’s CAATSA (Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act), India is sticking to the deal, citing its strategic need to strengthen its national security.

The first S-400 systems began to be delivered to India in 2021. The Indian army has already deployed the first complexes in strategic areas, to strengthen air defence against potential threats from China and Pakistan.

According to the official contract between Russia and India, all five S-400s were to be delivered by the end of 2023. Last year, however, an IAF representative briefed an Indian parliamentary committee on Moscow’s potential failure to make a “major delivery” due to the crisis in Ukraine. The admission, widely reported by India’s lower house of parliament, is seen as the first official acknowledgment by Indian authorities of Russia’s inability to meet its export commitments.

At the beginning of 2024, the CEO of Rosoboronexport, Alexander Mikheev, finally rejected rumours suggesting the suspension of the supply of S-400 air defence systems to India. He assured that the contract implementation process is proceeding according to the exact terms agreed upon by both parties. Mikheev promised that by the end of 2024, India will receive the two S-400 systems, although Amar Preet Singh confirmed today that 2024 will not be the delivery year.

India plans to use the S-400 systems as a key element of its air defence strategy focused on defending against air and missile threats, particularly from neighbouring China and Pakistan. The systems are set to be deployed at strategic locations, including on the north-eastern border, where India seeks to counter Chinese air and ballistic missiles as well as defend its airspace in the event of a conflict.

The S-400 can destroy targets at distances of up to 400 km, covering a wide threat radius—from aircraft and missiles to drones. The systems will provide a significant advantage by enabling early warning and precision targeting of enemy targets, which is critical to India’s defence strategy in the context of rising tensions in the region.

The S-400 Triumph is one of the most advanced anti-aircraft systems developed by Russia. It’s designed to defend against a wide range of air threats, including aircraft, ballistic, and cruise missiles, as well as unmanned aerial vehicles. The system includes multifunctional radars, automated command centres, various types of missile complexes, and mobile launchers.

One of the most notable features of the S-400 is its maximum range of up to 400 km, being able to destroy targets at a height of 10 m to 30 km. The complex can track and engage up to 80 targets simultaneously, which gives it significant effectiveness in defensive operations.

The S-400’s radar system includes several different sensors, the main one being the 91N6E Big Bird, a three-dimensional phased-array radar capable of detecting targets at long ranges. Additionally, the 92N6E Grave Stone radars are used to guide the missiles and more accurately detect medium and short-range targets. The system relies on integrated command control with a 55K6E module that coordinates actions between launchers and radars, ensuring a quick response when a threat is detected.

The S-400 can fire several types of missiles, each designed for different threats and ranges. The main types of missiles include the 48N6E, which is designed to destroy aircraft and missiles at medium and long ranges up to 250 km, as well as the 40N6E, a missile with the longest range of 400 km, specialized for hitting strategic targets at long distances.

The system can also use shorter-range missiles such as the 9M96E2, suitable for destroying high-speed and manoeuvrable targets such as drones and tactical missiles. This variety of missiles allows the S-400 to provide multi-layered protection and be adaptable to different types of threats.

The S-400 system is designed for high mobility, with all its components—launchers, radars, and command modules—located on trucks, allowing for rapid deployment and portability. This enables operational flexibility and deployment at different points depending on strategic needs. In combination with its integrated defence systems and the ability to link with other complexes such as the S-300 and early warning systems, the S-400 “Triumph” is an important element in modern air and missile defence systems.

Agencies

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India Seeks Expedited S-400 Missile System Deliveries From Russia

Amid the growing close ties between India and Russia, New Delhi has asked Moscow to expedite and advance the deliveries of the S-400 air defence missile system deliveries.

The request comes amid delays caused by Russia’s ongoing conflict with Ukraine. According to current projections, the fourth and fifth squadrons of the highly capable system are expected to be delivered by March 2026 and October 2026, respectively.

India and Russia signed a contract in 2019 for five squadrons of the S-400 system, which boasts an impressive range of over 400 kilometers. Three squadrons have already been delivered, operationalized, and strategically deployed along both the China and Pakistan fronts.

“India has requested the Russian side during recent talks to expedite the deliveries for meeting Indian Air Force requirements and try to advance the deliveries,” a defence official said. The Russian side has assured to consider the request.

The S-400 system is viewed as a game-changer by the Indian Air Force (IAF), complementing its recently acquired indigenous MR-SAM and Akash missile systems, as well as the Israeli Spyder quick reaction surface-to-air missile systems. These acquisitions mark significant improvements in India’s air defence capabilities.

Simultaneously, the IAF has initiated Project ‘Kusha’, an indigenous system developed by DRDO, aimed at countering enemy platforms at long ranges.

The push for expedited deliveries comes against the backdrop of Chinese military’s substantial air defence deployments across the Line of Actual Control. India has responded with its own systems to counter potential threats.

This development follows Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s recent visit to Moscow, where he held meetings with President Vladimir Putin. The visit has further cemented the close relationship between the two countries, with both agreeing to enhance military joint ventures in production and maintenance of various weapon systems.

(With Inputs From Agencies)

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Amid Growing Bonhomie, India Asks Russia To Advance S-400 Missile System Deliveries

Amid the growing close ties between India and Russia, New Delhi has asked Moscow to expedite and advance the deliveries of the S-400 air defence missile system deliveries.

The Russian side has told India that they would be able to deliver the fourth and the fifth squadrons of the highly capable system by March 2026 and October 2026 respectively due to delays caused by their ongoing conflict with Ukraine.

India and Russia signed a contract with Russia in 2019 for buying five squadrons of the highly capable air defence system with ability to hit targets at up to 400 plus kilometres.

"India has requested the Russian side during the recent talks to expedite the deliveries for meeting Indian Air Force requirements and try to advance the deliveries," defence officials told ANI.

The Russian side has assured to look into the request, they said.

Russia has already supplied three of these air defence systems which have already been operationalised and deployed along both the China and Pakistan front.

The two remaining squadrons were expected to be delivered by 2024 but the supplies got delayed due to their own issues and war there.

India has deployed these missiles in areas from where it can tackle any aerial intrusion by enemy fighter aircraft, cruise missiles and even ballistic missiles.

The Indian Air Force, which recently received the indigenous MR-SAM and Akash missile systems as well as the Israeli Spyder quick reactions surface-to-air missile systems, believes the S-400 will be the game changer for it.

The Indian Air Force has significantly improved its air defence capabilities in recent years.

The Indian Air Force has now started working on its own Project 'Kusha', which would allow it to have an indigenous system developed by DRDO to take down enemy platforms at long ranges.

Air defence systems have been deployed in a big way by the Chinese military across the Line of Actual Control while India has also deployed own systems to counter any enemy misadventure there.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi was in Moscow earlier this week and held meetings with President Vladimir Putin after which both countries are now seen as very close and have also decided to enhance their military joint ventures in production and maintenance of various weapon systems.

(With Inputs From Agencies)

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