India Faces Strategic Challenge As Turkey-Pakistan Defence Axis Gains Edge With Possible US F-35 Sale

US President Donald Trump has announced a dramatic reversal in policy by lifting sanctions on Turkey and signalling openness to restoring Ankara’s access to the advanced American F-35 fighter jets. Turkey had been denied these aircraft since 2019 after acquiring the Russian S-400 air defence system.

The announcement was made alongside President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan at a NATO summit in Ankara on 8 July 2026. Turkey is reportedly seeking an initial delivery of six jets, and the US may also provide engines for Turkey’s indigenous KAAN fighter program.

However, Trump is expected to face strong opposition in Congress, where concerns remain about Turkey’s continued possession of the S-400 system and its deepening ties with Russia and China.

The announcement has provoked sharp reactions from Israel and Greece. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu warned that supplying F-35s to Turkey would “destroy the balance of power in the Middle East” and has begun lobbying against the deal.

Greece has also expressed alarm, fearing that stealth fighters in Turkish hands could destabilise the Eastern Mediterranean. Athens has already ordered 20 F-35As, with deliveries expected from 2028, and has bolstered its air force with Rafale jets to counter Turkey’s growing military aviation capabilities. Both nations view the potential sale as a direct threat to their security interests.

The Lockheed Martin F-35 Lightning-II is widely regarded as the most versatile fifth-generation fighter jet in service. Its advanced sensor fusion, stealth features, and multirole adaptability allow it to dominate battlefields while remaining virtually invisible to enemy radars.

Over 1,340 F-35s have been delivered globally, with ten countries operating them and eleven more awaiting deliveries. Production surged last year to 191 aircraft, clearing backlogs caused by earlier upgrade delays.

The jet comes in three variants: the F-35A for conventional take-off, the F-35B for short take-off and vertical landing, and the F-35C for carrier operations. While the F-22 Raptor remains superior in air combat manoeuvrability, the F-35 excels in networking and multirole missions. China’s J-20 and J-35, and Russia’s Su-57, represent rival fifth-generation platforms, though analysts generally agree they fall short of the F-35’s stealth and avionics standards.

Turkey was originally expelled from the Joint Strike Fighter program in 2019 due to fears that operating the Russian S-400 alongside the F-35 could expose sensitive stealth data to Moscow. Congress reinforced this position, making any transfer contingent on Turkey relinquishing the S-400. 

Ankara has not complied, instead escalating tensions with Israel and Greece, entrenching its military presence in northern Cyprus, and deepening ties with China in sectors such as telecommunications. 

Washington’s concerns over Chinese 5G infrastructure had previously derailed the UAE’s pursuit of the F-35, raising questions about whether the same standards should apply to Turkey. Any final decision is expected to hinge on whether Turkey agrees to transfer its S-400 systems to a third country.

For India, the implications are serious. Turkey and Pakistan have forged a close defence partnership centred on joint development and technology-sharing. Pakistani engineers are actively involved in Turkey’s KAAN stealth fighter program, while Pakistan has integrated Turkish drones such as the Bayraktar-TB2 and Anka UAVs into its arsenal.

Agreements between Turkish Aerospace Industries and Pakistan’s NESCOM focus on joint production of MALE drones, while Turkish munitions like the Kemankes cruise missile have been procured to enhance Pakistan’s air force.

During Operation Sindoor, Turkey provided Pakistan with over 350 drones and deployed military advisors to coordinate strikes against Indian targets. Ankara also openly condemned India’s actions during the operation, further cementing its alignment with Islamabad.

The Turkey-Pakistan nexus significantly alters the regional balance, giving Pakistan access to advanced aerospace and drone technologies. Analysts warn that combining Turkish drone expertise with Chinese sensor suites could accelerate Pakistan’s C4ISR capabilities. This trilateral China-Pakistan-Turkey axis poses a growing challenge to India’s regional influence.

In response, New Delhi has deepened defence ties with Armenia, Cyprus, Greece, and Israel. Armenia became the first foreign buyer of India’s Akash SAM system in 2022, while Greece and Israel conduct joint exercises with India focusing on air combat and naval interoperability. India has also expanded its naval presence in the Eastern Mediterranean and backed the India-Middle East Economic Corridor, which bypasses Turkey.

Israel views the potential F-35 sale as a direct threat to its qualitative military edge in the Middle East. Netanyahu has highlighted Turkey’s ties to Hamas and the Muslim Brotherhood, arguing that Ankara is no longer a reliable US ally.

Opposition to the sale has become a declared policy at the highest levels of Israeli politics. For Greece, the sale risks triggering an arms race in the Eastern Mediterranean, where disputes over territorial waters and airspace remain unresolved. Both nations are pressing Washington to reconsider, but Trump’s unpredictability leaves the final outcome uncertain.

India faces a new strategic headache. A stronger Turkey armed with F-35s would embolden its partnership with Pakistan, potentially undermining India’s deterrence posture. The convergence of Chinese hard power, Turkish drone capabilities, and Pakistani operational readiness represents a formidable challenge.

India must not only strengthen its own military capabilities but also reinforce partnerships in West Asia and the Eastern Mediterranean. The evolving dynamics highlight the need for India to prepare for a more assertive Turkey and to navigate the uncertainties of Trump’s foreign policy decisions.

Agencies

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UPI Goes Live In Greece As Piyush Goyal Leads Economic Engagements

India’s Unified Payments Interface (UPI) has officially gone live in Greece, with Commerce Minister Piyush Goyal witnessing the launch at Eurobank headquarters in Athens.

This marks a major milestone in the global expansion of India’s digital payments ecosystem, strengthening bilateral economic ties and opening new avenues for collaboration between India and Greece.

Union Commerce and Industry Minister Piyush Goyal attended the live demonstration of the Eurobank–NIPL partnership that enabled UPI services in Greece. The event was held at Eurobank headquarters in Athens and was attended by Eurobank CEO Fokion Karavias and Fairfax Digital Services CEO Sanjay Tugnait. The launch was described as a significant achievement in India’s digital transformation journey.

Minister Goyal emphasised that with UPI now operational in Greece, eligible customers can transfer money instantly, securely, and seamlessly. He noted that transaction costs are reduced to a fraction of those associated with conventional money transfer methods, making the system highly efficient and accessible.

He credited Prime Minister Narendra Modi for driving India’s digital transformation, highlighting that the growing global acceptance of UPI reflects trust in Modi’s vision of building technology-led solutions that create value beyond borders.

The launch was part of Goyal’s broader visit to Greece, where he is leading a delegation of senior business leaders and officials. The program began with a meeting with Eurobank’s leadership team at Hotel Grande Bretagne in Athens. Discussions focused on enhancing financial collaboration and exploring opportunities for investment and growth.

The delegation also participated in the India–Greece Business Council Meeting and Business Forum at the Athens Chamber of Commerce and Industry. Three sectoral roundtables were convened, covering Infrastructure (energy, ports, logistics, shipbuilding, warehousing, trade, gem and jewellery), Digital Innovation and Defence, and Food Processing and Agriculture.

These sessions brought together business leaders from both countries, enabling focused discussions, identification of synergies, and exploration of avenues for collaboration across diverse sectors.

The proceedings concluded with an address by Minister Goyal, who highlighted the shared vision of advancing trade, investment, and innovation-led growth. He underscored the importance of building partnerships that leverage technology and innovation to drive prosperity.

The day’s engagements culminated in the India–Greece Business Summit, attended by ministers from both nations along with senior business leaders. The summit reaffirmed the commitment to advancing trade, investment, and innovation-led growth, while strengthening institutional and personal ties.

A networking reception at ACCI concluded the day, providing an opportunity for informal exchanges and reinforcing the momentum in bilateral relations.

This launch not only strengthens India–Greece economic cooperation but also expands UPI’s global footprint, following similar rollouts in countries such as France, UAE, and Singapore. It reflects India’s ambition to make UPI a globally recognised digital payments standard, supporting seamless financial transactions and deepening international partnerships.

ANI

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MKU Signs MoU With Greece-Based Miltech Hellas To Explore Long-Term Defence Collaboration

Kanpur-based MKU has signed a Memorandum of Understanding with Greece-based Miltech Hellas S.A. to explore long-term collaboration.

This development marks another significant step in MKU’s expanding international footprint and highlights the growing convergence between Indian and European defence industries.

The agreement is aimed at identifying areas of cooperation that can lead to sustained partnerships in defence technology, manufacturing, and innovation. Both MKU and Miltech Hellas bring complementary strengths to the table, with MKU’s expertise in soldier protection systems, electro-optics, and armour solutions aligning with Miltech Hellas’s specialisation in advanced defence electronics and systems integration.

MKU, headquartered in Kanpur, has established itself as a global supplier of defence and homeland security solutions, serving over 230 forces across more than 100 countries. Its portfolio includes ballistic protection, optronics, and platform armour, all designed to enhance survivability and operational effectiveness in modern combat environments. The company has consistently pursued international collaborations to expand its technological base and market reach.

Miltech Hellas S.A., based in Greece, is known for its work in defence electronics, including avionics, communication systems, and specialised military technologies. The company has contributed to Greece’s defence modernisation programs and has been involved in projects supporting NATO interoperability.

Its expertise in electronics and systems integration complements MKU’s focus on protection and optronics, creating opportunities for joint development of integrated solutions.

The MoU reflects a broader trend of Indo-European defence cooperation, where companies are moving beyond transactional exports to explore joint production, technology sharing, and long-term industrial partnerships.

For Greece, collaboration with MKU offers access to India’s growing defence manufacturing ecosystem, while for India, it provides an entry point into the European defence market through a trusted partner.

This partnership also comes at a time when both India and Greece are seeking to strengthen their strategic ties. Greece has shown increasing interest in diversifying its defence partnerships, particularly in light of regional security challenges in the Eastern Mediterranean. India, meanwhile, has been expanding its defence diplomacy with European nations, positioning itself as a reliable partner in technology and industrial collaboration.

The collaboration is expected to explore opportunities in areas such as electro-optics, advanced soldier systems, and integrated defence electronics. By combining MKU’s manufacturing capabilities with Miltech Hellas’s technological expertise, the two companies aim to create solutions that meet the evolving requirements of modern armed forces.

For MKU, this agreement reinforces its strategy of building long-term partnerships rather than focusing solely on exports. It aligns with India’s broader vision of “Make In India” and “Make With Partners,” extending the philosophy of co-development and co-production to international markets.

For Miltech Hellas, the partnership provides access to cutting-edge protection technologies and the potential to integrate them with its own systems for enhanced operational effectiveness.

The success of this collaboration will depend on the ability of both companies to identify synergies, align with regulatory frameworks, and deliver solutions that meet the stringent demands of defence customers. Long-term cooperation will also require sustained investment in research, development, and industrial integration.

This MoU is therefore not just a commercial agreement but a strategic initiative that underscores the importance of Indo-European defence cooperation in an era of evolving global security challenges. It highlights the role of private sector companies in shaping the future of defence collaboration and industrial growth across continents.

Agencies

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Indian Navy Safely Extracts Unexploded Missile From Greek-Owned Very Large Crude Carrier Olympic Life At Kochi

The Indian Navy’s Explosive Ordnance Disposal (EOD) specialists have successfully completed a complex, week‑long operation to remove an unexploded missile lodged inside the Greek‑owned Very Large Crude Carrier (VLCC) Olympic Life at Kochi, neutralising a grave maritime threat, according to a report by Maritime Executive.

The tanker, attacked off Oman on 26 May, sustained hull damage and carried the live ordnance embedded in a fuel tank until its safe extraction in India.

The Marshall Islands‑flagged Olympic Life departed Fujairah in late May, bound for Kochi. On 26 May, while transiting near Oman, the crew reported a missile strike that tore a substantial hole in the hull. 

Though the vessel continued its voyage, checks revealed that an unexploded missile had penetrated multiple bulkheads and lodged deep inside a fuel tank. The discovery raised serious concerns, as any mishandling of the ordnance could have triggered a catastrophic explosion.

Upon arrival at Kochi, the Southern Naval Command dispatched a specialist EOD team to assess and neutralise the threat. The operation was far from straightforward. The missile had traversed several structural compartments before embedding itself in the fuel tank, creating a highly volatile situation. 

The team adopted a phased approach, employing advanced diagnostic techniques to identify and isolate the detonation mechanism. Only after ensuring that the warhead could not detonate during handling did they proceed with extraction.

The removal process lasted seven days, underscoring the complexity and danger of the mission. Naval specialists carefully extracted the warhead and the remains of the missile’s airframe, transporting all recovered components to a secure naval facility for detailed forensic examination.

Officials confirmed that no injuries occurred during the operation, and the vessel’s crew remained safe throughout. The tanker has since completed repairs and departed Kochi for Singapore.

The Indian Navy emphasised that its intervention was conducted without regard to the vessel’s nationality or ownership, reaffirming its role as a responsible maritime force committed to global maritime safety.

The Ministry of Defence highlighted that the operation demonstrated India’s technical expertise in explosive ordnance disposal, effective inter‑agency coordination, and readiness to respond to unconventional maritime threats. The Navy’s prompt action also reinforced its position as a trusted security partner in the Indian Ocean Region, where attacks on merchant shipping have become increasingly frequent.

The Olympic Life, operated by Olympic Shipping & Management of Athens with technical management by Springfield Shipping, had no Indian nationals onboard. Nevertheless, the Navy’s response showcased India’s commitment to safeguarding international commercial shipping.

The incident also drew attention to the Information Fusion Centre–Indian Ocean Region (IFC‑IOR), which relayed the alert and facilitated rapid coordination between the vessel and Indian authorities. The IFC‑IOR continues to play a crucial role in monitoring maritime threats and ensuring timely responses across the region.

This successful disposal operation comes amid heightened maritime tensions in the Gulf of Oman, where multiple vessels have been targeted in recent weeks.

The Indian Navy’s ability to neutralise such threats not only reassures shipping companies but also strengthens India’s standing as a proactive guardian of maritime security in volatile waters.

Agencies

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India And Greece Reinforce Strategic Partnership At 14th Foreign Office Consultations In New Delhi

The 14th round of Foreign Office Consultations between India and Greece was convened in New Delhi on Friday, marking another important milestone in the strengthening of bilateral ties.

The meeting was co-chaired by Sibi George, Secretary (West) from the Indian side, and Ambassador Andreas Fryganas, Political Director at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Greece.

This round of consultations followed the previous session held in Athens in June 2023, underscoring the regularity and continuity of dialogue between the two nations.

During the discussions, both delegations undertook a comprehensive review of the entire spectrum of bilateral relations. Political exchanges were examined in detail, alongside trade and investment opportunities, defence and security cooperation, education, cultural initiatives, and the development of digital public infrastructure.

The consultations also emphasised the importance of people-to-people ties, which remain a cornerstone of the Strategic Partnership between India and Greece. Both sides reiterated their shared commitment to combating cross-border terrorism, highlighting this as a critical area of mutual concern.

The consultations extended beyond bilateral issues to include an exchange of views on regional and global developments. Cooperation in multilateral fora, including the United Nations, was discussed, reflecting the shared interest of both countries in contributing to international peace and stability. The dialogue reaffirmed the strategic convergence between New Delhi and Athens on a range of global challenges.

It was agreed that the next round of Foreign Office Consultations will be held in Athens at a mutually convenient date, ensuring the continuation of this structured engagement.

The Ministry of External Affairs spokesperson, Randhir Jaiswal, highlighted the outcome of the meeting on X, noting that the consultations had focused on political and defence relations, trade and investment, cultural cooperation, and people-to-people exchanges. His statement underlined that these efforts will further consolidate the strategic partnership between the two countries.

The timing of these consultations is significant, given the broader geopolitical context. India and Greece have been steadily enhancing their cooperation in defence and security, with recent discussions in both capitals pointing to potential collaboration in maritime security and advanced defence technologies.

The consultations also come against the backdrop of India’s expanding role in the Mediterranean region, where Greece serves as a critical partner in bridging Europe and Asia. The reaffirmation of joint efforts against terrorism further strengthens the alignment of both nations in addressing global security threats.

By reviewing the full gamut of relations and setting the stage for future engagements, the 14th Foreign Office Consultations have reinforced the strategic depth of the India-Greece partnership.

The dialogue not only consolidates existing areas of cooperation but also opens avenues for new initiatives in trade, technology, and cultural exchange, ensuring that the partnership continues to evolve in line with regional and global developments.

ANI

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Greece-Cyprus Link Fuels Fears of Indian Missile Entry Into Mediterranean — Turkey Sounds Alarm

Reports emerging from Turkish defence circles have highlighted growing unease over the possibility of Greece acquiring advanced Indian missile systems, either directly or indirectly through Cyprus, reported News18 web portal. 

Analysts in Ankara have voiced concern that such a development could significantly alter the military balance in the Aegean and Eastern Mediterranean, regions already marked by longstanding tensions between Greece and Turkey.

According to Turkish defence publication TurDef, discussions about Greece potentially procuring India’s BrahMos supersonic cruise missile have gained traction. The BrahMos, jointly developed by India and Russia, is widely regarded as one of the fastest operational supersonic cruise missiles in the world.

Capable of being launched from land, sea, and air platforms, its speed, precision, and versatility make it a formidable deterrent. Turkish analysts have also raised alarms about India’s Long-Range Land Attack Cruise Missile (LR-LACM), which could further enhance Greece’s strike capabilities.

Some reports suggest that Athens may explore indirect procurement channels through Cyprus to avoid legal and diplomatic complications associated with direct acquisition. Cyprus itself has shown interest in Indian-made missile systems and drones, particularly after observing India’s recent advancements in defence technology. This has added to speculation that Nicosia could serve as a conduit for Greek access to Indian platforms.

Turkish defence analyst Ardan Zentürk has warned that the growing strategic partnership between New Delhi and Athens could reshape the regional security environment. He argued that the deployment of highly accurate Indian missile systems near the Eastern Mediterranean could challenge Turkey’s strategic assets and undermine its existing air defence network, including the Russian-made S-400 system.

Other Turkish commentators, such as nationalist analyst Rauf Köse, have echoed these concerns, urging Ankara to prepare for potential future threats emerging from the region.

The debate has also been linked to broader geopolitical dynamics. Some Turkish analysts have pointed to Ankara’s close alignment with Pakistan on issues such as Kashmir, suggesting that India’s expanding defence exports and partnerships in Europe reflect New Delhi’s rising geopolitical influence and a deliberate effort to counterbalance Turkey’s positions.

India’s growing reputation as a defence exporter, with countries like the Philippines already acquiring BrahMos and others such as Vietnam, Indonesia, and Egypt expressing interest, adds weight to these concerns.

Despite the speculation, there has been no official confirmation from New Delhi, Athens, or Nicosia regarding negotiations for the transfer or deployment of Indian missile systems in the region.

For now, the reports remain unverified, but they have clearly stirred debate within Turkey’s strategic community, which fears that a new axis of cooperation between India and Greece could tilt the balance of power in the Eastern Mediterranean.

News18

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India Strengthens Nuclear Triad With INS Aridhaman Commissioning And INS Varsha Base Development: Greek Media

India’s commissioning of INS Aridhaman (S4) on 3 April 2026 marks a decisive step in strengthening its sea-based nuclear deterrent, with expanded missile capacity, stealthier basing at INS Varsha, and preparations for a Continuous At-Sea Deterrent (CASD), reported Greek City Times.

This milestone reflects India’s maturing nuclear triad, though full CASD capability will only be realised once all four Arihant-class SSBNs are operational and the larger S5 class enters service.

India’s expanding fleet of nuclear-powered ballistic missile submarines demonstrates its commitment to credible second-strike capability. The commissioning of INS Aridhaman at Visakhapatnam was not officially confirmed by New Delhi, but satellite imagery from 5 April 2026 revealed celebratory maritime signal flags, corroborating reports of its induction.

The submarine joins INS Arihant and INS Arighaat, while the fourth SSBN, S4*, expected to be named INS Arisudan, is undergoing sea trials following its launch in October 2024.

Despite progress, India’s SSBN fleet is not yet fully operational in a CASD role. Imagery from January 2026 showed all four hulls docked at Visakhapatnam, highlighting the challenges of sustaining continuous patrols.

With three boats, a rotation between patrol, repair, and training is possible but leaves little redundancy. Commissioning S4* in 2027 will ease operational pressures, enabling at least one submarine to remain on patrol while others cycle through maintenance and training. This structure suggests India is preparing for CASD, though some analysts argue that only the forthcoming S5 class will provide undeniable robustness.

The Arihant-class submarines reflect India’s evolving design philosophy. The first two boats, Arihant and Arighaat, were limited to four vertical launch tubes, initially armed with short-range K-15 Sagarika SLBMs.

These missiles, with a range of 700 km, restricted patrol areas and targeting options. The development of the 3,500 km-range K-4 missile addressed these limitations. The latter two boats, Aridhaman and S4*, feature eight vertical launch tubes, requiring longer hulls and increased displacement, thereby enhancing missile capacity and operational flexibility.

India’s SSBN program is complemented by infrastructure developments. Visakhapatnam has long hosted the fleet, but its congested port environment poses security challenges. To address this, India has been constructing INS Varsha, a secure base located 50 km south of Visakhapatnam.

Project Varsha includes underground submarine pens and tunnels, designed to conceal deployed numbers from satellite surveillance and provide natural protection. Satellite imagery shows two large tunnel entrances, 1.5 km apart, with water inside, indicating near completion.

The facility is expected to accommodate up to 12 nuclear submarines, including the next-generation S5 class, and will serve as the principal support base for India’s SSBN fleet.

INS Varsha’s strategic significance lies in its ability to enhance survivability and concealment, countering China’s advanced submarine facilities such as those at Hainan Island. Its proximity to BARC Atchutapuram ensures access to nuclear infrastructure, while its location enables rapid deployment to key chokepoints like the Strait of Malacca. The base strengthens India’s deterrence posture in the Indian Ocean Region, providing resilience against adversary surveillance and strike capabilities.

India’s SSBN development has been a long journey, beginning in the 1970s with plans for nuclear-powered attack submarines. Following nuclear tests in 1998, India’s nuclear doctrine outlined the need for a triad, leading to the adaptation of SSN designs into SSBNs.

The commissioning of Aridhaman represents the culmination of decades of effort, though India’s deterrence remains a work in progress. The rollout of Very Low Frequency communications systems and the gradual implementation of CASD will be critical to achieving a credible minimum deterrence posture.

Political considerations also influence SSBN deployments. While Arihant was deployed during the 2019 Pulwama–Balakot crisis, SSBNs were absent from reports during the May 2025 crisis, reflecting deliberate nuclear signalling choices by Indian leaders. Such decisions underscore the interplay between operational readiness and strategic messaging.

The commissioning of INS Aridhaman is therefore both a technological and strategic milestone. It enhances India’s survivability, expands missile capacity, and strengthens its nuclear triad. Yet, the journey towards full CASD capability continues, with INS Varsha and the S5 class submarines set to play pivotal roles in the coming decade.

Agencies

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India Eyes Alexandroupoli Port As Greece Weighs Strategic Shift In IMEC Corridor

The port of Alexandroupoli has emerged as a focal point in negotiations between Greece and India, with reports indicating that the Greek government is in talks with an Indian company over its acquisition, reported Greek City Times. 

This development, if realised, would reshape not only Greece’s infrastructure landscape but also the wider strategic map of the region.

The existence of such negotiations was first revealed by Eurobank CEO Fokion Karavias at the Delphi Economic Forum, with Crisis Monitor sources confirming that Alexandroupoli is the port in question.

Far from being a mere commercial facility, Alexandroupoli has in recent years been transformed into a critical hub for transporting military equipment, energy cargo, and goods destined for the Balkans, Eastern Europe, and the Black Sea.

Its importance has grown significantly since the outbreak of the war in Ukraine, as it became central to alternative transport routes, efforts to ease congestion in critical corridors, and strategies to mitigate the food crisis. The port’s strategic role has thus expanded well beyond Greece’s borders.

It is notable that Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis had previously blocked the sale of Alexandroupoli, cancelling the Hellenic Republic Asset Development Fund process.

At the time, the government justified the move on geopolitical grounds, judging the port too critical to be handed over to investment schemes without a comprehensive strategic assessment. The current negotiations with an Indian company therefore mark a shift in approach, placing the matter in a different context.

India’s involvement is particularly significant. As a rising power and a key competitor to China in Asia, India’s potential acquisition of Alexandroupoli would tie the port into broader strategic frameworks such as the India-Middle East-Europe Corridor (IMEC). This would elevate Alexandroupoli’s role from a national asset to a transcontinental link, embedding it within a network of trade and energy flows stretching across regions.

The development must also be seen within the wider puzzle of Greek ports. Piraeus is controlled by the Chinese company COSCO, Thessaloniki is linked to Russian-Greek billionaire Ivan Savvidis, and the United States has expressed interest in establishing a role in Elefsina.

Should Alexandroupoli fall under Indian investment, nearly all of Greece’s major hub ports would be under strong foreign influence, underscoring the extent of external involvement in the country’s maritime infrastructure.

Alexandroupoli has thus become a valuable piece on the grand chessboard of geopolitics. Every move concerning the port in northeast Greece must be assessed not only in terms of economic benefit but also with regard to national security, alliances, and strategic autonomy.

The negotiations with India highlight the port’s evolving role as a linchpin in both regional and global dynamics.

Greek City Times

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Crushing The Corridor? How Trump Is Derailing India’s Top Trade Goal

At a grand ceremony in Delhi in 2023, India unveiled its most ambitious trade corridor, the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC). Yet halfway across the world, forces beyond its control are now derailing that vision, wrote Aditi Bhaduri on NDTV.

Turkey’s transportation minister recently announced that Turkey, Syria, and Jordan have agreed to modernise their railway systems to create a contiguous corridor between southern Europe and the Persian Gulf. This network, requiring four to five years and billions of dollars in investment, would revive Ottoman-era routes and reconnect Syria to Jordan, Lebanon, and the Gulf.

The reconstruction of Syria’s devastated infrastructure alone needs at least $5.5 billion. Once extended to Saudi Arabia, this corridor would form a North-South Gulf-Europe trade route, offering the shortest and most cost-effective path for goods and services. For India, however, it signals a setback to its connectivity ambitions in the Middle East and Europe.

The IMEC was unveiled during the Delhi G20 summit in September 2023 by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, and US President Joe Biden. The multimodal route was to begin in Mumbai, connect by sea to the UAE, and then continue via rail through Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and Israel, before reaching Europe through Haifa Port.

It was envisioned as an alternative to the Suez Canal and Russia’s land routes, especially after the Ukraine crisis. With costs estimated at $3–8 billion per route, IMEC promised to cut freight costs, boost economies, and counter China’s Belt and Road Initiative. Greece had even shown interest in joining. 

However, the project faced immediate setbacks when war broke out between Israel and Hamas in October 2023. The Houthis joined the conflict, targeting shipping, and violence engulfed the region from Jordan to Israel, crippling IMEC’s progress. Israel, a crucial node, became untenable.

The corridor’s success depended on Saudi-Israel normalisation, but the war complicated matters. While the UAE and Jordan had already normalised ties with Israel, Saudi Arabia accused Israel of genocide in Gaza and made normalisation conditional on a Palestinian state.

Reports now suggest Saudi Arabia is considering Syria as a transit country for a fibre-optic cable project with Greece, side-lining Israel. In February 2026, Saudi telecom firm STC Group announced an $800 million investment in Syria’s telecommunications infrastructure, signalling shifting alignments.

Saudi Arabia and Turkey, once at odds, are now converging strategically, meeting frequently with Egypt and Pakistan to form a regional security alliance. A Gulf-to-Europe corridor rerouted through Jordan, Syria, and Turkey bypasses Israel entirely, making Saudi-Israel normalisation even more unlikely. 

Reintegration of Syria into the region, backed by Saudi financing, could turn Damascus into a telecommunications and transport hub.

These developments coincide with a growing rift between Saudi Arabia and the UAE, who are engaged in proxy wars from Yemen to Sudan to Somalia. Israel’s move to station an ambassador in Somaliland was condemned by Arab states, including Saudi Arabia, while the UAE recognised Somaliland. IMEC requires massive infrastructure upgrades, but given strained Saudi-UAE ties, progress seems doubtful. 

The Iran war has further damaged regional infrastructure, with Haifa repeatedly struck by Iranian missiles and drones. The crisis in the Strait of Hormuz has pushed Saudi Arabia to rely more on Yanbu port, but Houthis could close Bab-El-Mandeb, another chokepoint. This makes the Syria-Turkey corridor more appealing, as it avoids Israel and the West Bank without requiring normalisation.

India’s connectivity ambitions are faltering. Having stepped back from the Chabahar port, a gateway to Central Asia and Europe, India now faces uncertainty over IMEC.

Meanwhile, Turkey is consolidating its role with its Development Road project with Iraq, creating a multimodal corridor from the Gulf to Turkey and Europe.

Turkey is also connected overland to China, which is leveraging the Middle Corridor route to Europe. India must therefore rethink its approach to connectivity and trade in the Gulf, as rival Turkey positions itself as the region’s key hub.

NDTV

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Indian And Greek Tankers Reverse Course As Hormuz Reopening Remains Unclear

Several oil tankers in the Persian Gulf have turned back after attempting to transit the Strait of Hormuz, reflecting the uncertainty surrounding Iran’s mixed signals on whether the strategic chokepoint remains open, ET Online reported.

Shipowners and oil traders were left in disarray early Saturday as five Greek and Indian tankers halted their journeys, with warnings reportedly broadcast over radio channels adding to the confusion.

The incident followed Iran’s foreign minister’s statement on Friday that the strait was completely open, only for semi-official Fars news agency to later report that passage would remain closed if the US naval blockade continued. This contradiction has created doubt among operators, who are unsure whether transit is permitted without explicit Iranian clearance.

The five Greek and Indian tankers had sailed northeast toward Hormuz from waters off Dubai, laden with crude, before turning back on Saturday morning. Some are now idling near Iran’s Qeshm island, while a sixth vessel has gone dark, ceasing to transmit geolocation signals for several hours.

Together, the six ships carry about 8.3 million barrels of non-Iranian crude, and their successful passage would have represented the largest crude flows from the Gulf in a single day since the war began.

The grouping of six tankers was observed late Friday after announcements suggested Hormuz was reopening. They were part of a flotilla stranded in the Persian Gulf due to the ongoing Middle East conflict. Bloomberg News could not immediately confirm whether the U-turns were voluntary or the result of traffic control measures, as multiple vessels converged on the strait. Shortly after the crude tankers reversed course, three liquefied petroleum gas carriers and an oil product tanker were seen heading east, turning into the Gulf of Oman.

Shipowners reported hearing radio warnings late Friday that permission from the Iranian navy was still required for passage. Emails sent by Bloomberg to the owners and managers of the six crude tankers outside regular business hours received no immediate response.

Severe electronic interference in the region, combined with ships switching off tracking signals to avoid detection, has made it difficult to obtain an accurate picture of vessel movements.

The Nissos Keros, a Marshall Islands-flagged super tanker carrying around 1.8 million barrels of UAE crude, attempted transit before turning back and is now idling near Qeshm island. It is owned and managed by Greece-based Kyklades Maritime Corp.

The Minerva Evropi, a Greek-flagged Suezmax bound for Turkey with more than 1 million barrels of Iraqi Basrah crude, made a similar move and is managed by Athens-based Minerva Marine Inc.

India’s VLCC Sanmar Herald, sailing south of Iran’s Larak island, also turned around and is heading back into the Persian Gulf. The Aframax Desh Garima, which was alongside Sanmar Herald, has since gone dark, with its last geolocation signal sent at about 4:20 a.m. local time. Another Indian VLCC, Desh Vaibhav, was an hour behind Sanmar Herald and Desh Garima before stopping near Nissos Keros. Desh Vibhor, another India-linked VLCC, was close to Desh Vaibhav before also turning back near Nissos Keros.

The uncertainty over Hormuz’s reopening underscores the fragile state of global oil trade, with operators caught between Iran’s shifting declarations and the continuing US blockade. The halted journeys of these tankers highlight the risks and confusion facing maritime traffic in one of the world’s most critical energy arteries.

Agencies

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Rafale’s Evolution: How France’s 4.5 Generation Fighter Defies Stealth Trends And Dominates Global Demand

Dassault Aviation has long been regarded as the most prominent name in French military aviation, with its Rafale fighter series standing as the company’s flagship product. While the firm has also produced civilian aircraft, it is overshadowed in that domain by Airbus, wrote Christian D. Orr on 19FortyFive.

The Rafale, meaning “gust of wind,” is a 4.5 Generation fighter jet, lacking true stealth capability, yet it continues to remain highly relevant in an era dominated by fifth-generation stealth aircraft such as the F-35.

Its origins lie in the 1970s, when both the French Navy and Air Force sought a new multirole fighter capable of handling diverse missions, including carrier-based operations. Dassault, with its proven record through the Mirage series, was the natural choice to lead the programme.

By 1983, the French government had formally approved the initiative, naming it the “Future European Fighter Aircraft” (FEFA). This multinational effort brought together France, Italy, Spain, West Germany, and Great Britain, though each nation had slightly different requirements.

France wanted a lightweight aircraft suitable for both naval and air force roles, while Britain demanded a long-range interceptor. In 1985, Dassault withdrew from FEFA, hastening its collapse, though France still collaborated on the Eurofighter project.

Dassault instead pursued the Rafale independently, with the Rafale A making its maiden flight on 4 July 1986. Extensive testing delayed its operational entry until 2004 with the French Navy and 2006 with the French Air Force, well after the Cold War had ended.

The Rafale has retained its relevance through continuous upgrades. The F4 and F5 standards represent the latest advancements. The F4 standard, attaining full operational status in 2024, significantly improved connectivity and targeting precision.

Key additions included the Thales RBE2 XG AESA radar, enhanced helmet-mounted displays, and improved data fusion for seamless interoperability with French and allied forces. The integration of the 1000 kg AASM-guided bomb further expanded its precision strike capabilities.

The F4.1 subvariant, slated for delivery from 2027, will add a new helmet sight, improved fire control for the Meteor missile, expanded passive threat detection, and enhanced datalink exchange.

The F5 standard, scheduled for introduction after 2033, will redefine the Rafale’s role by incorporating collaborative drone operations. This includes an Unmanned Combat Aerial Vehicle (UCAV), likely based on the nEUROn stealth demonstrator, acting as a loyal wingman to perform reconnaissance and electronic warfare. Such capabilities will allow the Rafale to penetrate heavily defended areas indirectly, enhancing survivability and precision.

The F5 will also accommodate the ASN4G hypersonic missile, France’s next-generation nuclear deterrent, replacing the ASMPA. This underscores France’s commitment to maintaining a credible nuclear strike capability. Despite the expected arrival of sixth-generation fighters like the F-47 NGAD by 2033, Dassault remains confident in the Rafale’s future.

The Rafale’s upgrades have translated into strong foreign military sales. In 2024, Dassault delivered 21 Rafales, compared to 13 in 2023. Of these, 14 were for domestic use and seven for export, a sharp rise from the 11 domestic and two export deliveries in 2023. This represented a 350 percent increase in foreign sales.

Current customers include Croatia, Egypt, Greece, India, Indonesia, Qatar, and the United Arab Emirates. The Rafale’s combination of versatility, advanced upgrades, and cost-effective performance has ensured its continued demand, even in a competitive global market dominated by stealth aircraft.

10FortyFive

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Pak's 'Muslim Ummah' Slams Netanyahu's 'Anti-Ummah Hexagon' Plot With India

Pakistan's political establishment has expressed profound alarm over Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's proposal for a 'Hexagon Alliance' involving India, labelling it an insidious plot against the Muslim Ummah.

This reaction intensified ahead of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi's scheduled visit to Tel Aviv, prompting a unanimous Senate resolution in Islamabad that condemned the initiative as an 'anti-Muslim bloc'.

The resolution, tabled by Pakistan Peoples Party lawmaker Palwasha Mohammad Zai Khan on behalf of all major political parties, passed without dissent in the upper house of Parliament. As a key component of Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif's ruling coalition, the PPP's involvement underscores the breadth of opposition across Pakistan's fractured political spectrum.

Islamabad's censure extends beyond the alliance itself, targeting Israel's broader policies in the occupied Palestinian territories. The Senate decried any moves to alter the legal or historical status of these areas, including venerated holy sites, asserting that such actions flout international legal norms and threaten regional stability.

Netanyahu's rhetoric drew particular ire for its perceived assault on Muslim unity. The resolution described it as a 'vile proclivity' of Israel's leadership aimed at fracturing the Ummah—the Arabic concept denoting the global Muslim community—along political and ideological lines.

Further fuelling Pakistan's outrage was Israel's recent recognition of Somaliland's independence. In December, Jerusalem became the first nation to formally acknowledge the breakaway Somali region's sovereignty, a step Islamabad views as inconsistent with international principles and one that has already provoked backlash from Muslim states and the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation.

The Pakistani Senate reaffirmed its unwavering support for Palestinian self-determination, positioning the resolution as a defence of broader Islamic solidarity against perceived Zionist encroachments.

Netanyahu unveiled his 'Hexagon Alliance' vision shortly before Modi's trip, envisioning a network of partnerships 'around or within the Middle East'. He explicitly named India, Greece, and the Greek Cypriot Administration as pillars, while alluding to unspecified Arab, African, and Asian partners.

According to the Israeli leader, this coalition would unite nations sharing a common worldview on security challenges and objectives. It stands in direct opposition to what he termed the 'radical Shia axis'—dominated by Iran and its proxies like Hamas, Hezbollah, and the Houthis—alongside an 'emerging radical Sunni axis' tied to ISIS remnants.

Netanyahu boasted of Israel's successes in striking the Shia axis hard, framing the hexagon as a strategic bulwark to preserve stability and counter extremism. This narrative resonates with India's own security concerns, particularly regarding Pakistan-sponsored militancy and China's regional influence.

For Pakistan, the inclusion of India—a longstanding rival—transforms the proposal into an existential threat. Islamabad perceives it as an encirclement strategy that could isolate Muslim-majority states and empower non-Muslim powers in the Islamic world's backyard.

The timing amplifies sensitivities, coinciding with heightened Israel-India defence ties. New Delhi has emerged as a major buyer of Israeli weaponry, including drones and missile systems, while joint ventures in cybersecurity and space technology deepen bilateral bonds.

Pakistan's response reflects deeper geopolitical anxieties. With Iran facing Israeli strikes and Sunni extremists regrouping, Islamabad fears the alliance could legitimise anti-Pakistan narratives, portraying it as complicit in radical networks despite its own counter-terrorism efforts.

The Senate's unity signals rare bipartisan consensus in Pakistan, where domestic divisions often hamper foreign policy. This could presage diplomatic outreach to allies like Turkey, Saudi Arabia, and Malaysia to rally the Ummah against the perceived hexagon threat.

Critics in Pakistan argue that Netanyahu's plan exploits post-Gaza war dynamics, where Israel's military prowess has deterred adversaries. Modi's visit, potentially the first by an Indian PM to Israel since normalisation, risks cementing this axis amid India's 'Act East' pivot and Mediterranean outreach.

Regionally, the proposal challenges existing frameworks like the Abraham Accords, which already integrate some Arab states into Israel's orbit. Adding India could extend this model eastward, reshaping Indo-Pacific security with Middle Eastern dimensions.

Pakistan's invocation of the Ummah harks back to its foundational ideology as a homeland for South Asia's Muslims. Yet, practical constraints—economic woes, military strains from border tensions, and internal militancy—limit Islamabad's ability to lead a counter-coalition.

As Modi prepares for Tel Aviv, eyes will watch for alliance signals. A joint statement endorsing the hexagon could escalate rhetoric from Pakistan, possibly straining its ties with Gulf patrons wary of alienating India.

Netanyahu's pitch exposes fault lines in the Muslim world, pitting pragmatic states against ideological hardliners. For Pakistan, it is not merely a diplomatic slight but a clarion call to safeguard the Ummah's cohesion in an era of realigning powers.

Agencies

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PM Netanyahu's Hexagon Draws India In, Stirs Pakistan's Ire Amid West Asian Flux

India's Prime Minister Narendra Modi has embarked on a significant two-day official visit to Israel, marking a pivotal moment in the evolving strategic partnership between the two nations.

This trip, his second to the Jewish state after the landmark 2017 visit, arrives amid simmering tensions in West Asia and shifting regional alliances. The agenda encompasses high-level discussions on defence cooperation, cutting-edge technology collaborations, and the expansion of bilateral trade.

At the core of the visit lies Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's ambitious 'hexagon' alliance framework, which he outlined during a recent cabinet meeting. Netanyahu envisions an interconnected system of alliances encircling or embedded within the Middle East, incorporating India, Arab nations, African countries, Mediterranean states such as Greece and Cyprus, and select Asian partners. He presented this vision in an organised manner to his cabinet, emphasising its strategic underpinnings.

The hexagon's rationale centres on forging an axis of nations aligned on perceptions of regional realities, challenges, and objectives. Netanyahu explicitly positioned it as a counterweight to radical axes, including the radical Shia axis—against which Israel has mounted strong offensives—and an emerging radical Sunni axis.

This framework transcends mere economic or connectivity initiatives, such as the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC), by prioritising security alignment and ideological unity.

Modi's itinerary blends diplomatic symbolism with substantive policy engagements. Upon arrival, he will meet Netanyahu promptly, followed by an address to the Knesset, Israel's parliament—the first by an Indian leader since President Pranab Mukherjee in 2015.

Additional stops include a technology and innovation event in Jerusalem, a visit to the Yad Vashem Holocaust memorial, delegation-level talks, a meeting with President Isaac Herzog, and an interaction with the Indian diaspora.

Netanyahu has spotlighted forward-looking collaborations in high-tech sectors, particularly artificial intelligence (AI) and quantum computing. He described these fields not as future prospects but as the present reality, underscoring Israel's ambition to lead globally alongside partners like India. Such emphases signal a push beyond traditional ties into emerging technological frontiers.

Defence remains a cornerstone of the relationship, with Israel serving as one of India's top arms suppliers. Data from the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) indicates that India accounted for 34 per cent of Israel's arms exports between 2020 and 2024. Discussions may explore joint ventures in advanced systems, including anti-ballistic missiles, directed-energy laser weapons, long-range stand-off missiles, and next-generation drones.

Reports suggest Israel has greenlit $8.6 billion in arms deals with India in 2026, positioning it as New Delhi's second-largest supplier after France. A broader defence framework agreement could unlock access to previously restricted technologies, such as sophisticated air defence systems. Speculation also surrounds Israel's potential offer of its Iron Beam laser-based air defence system to India.

Economic dimensions are gaining momentum too. Bilateral merchandise trade reached $3.62 billion in the fiscal year 2024–25. Ahead of Modi's arrival, both nations launched the first round of talks for a Free Trade Agreement (FTA), covering goods and services, rules of origin, sanitary and phytosanitary measures, technical barriers to trade, customs facilitation, and intellectual property rights.

The personal rapport between Modi and Netanyahu adds a distinctive layer to the diplomacy. Netanyahu has frequently invoked their friendship, recalling mutual visits and a memorable 2017 moment when they waded barefoot along a Mediterranean beach. He quipped about waters flowing in the Mediterranean, Ganges, and Jordan rivers—though less so in the latter—highlighting how their bond has institutionalised into a robust web of governmental cooperation.

This visit unfolds against a tense regional backdrop, including the spectre of a US strike on Iran. The hexagon proposal, perceived as a bulwark against Iran and its proxies, heightens sensitivities. India navigates this delicately, nurturing ties with Israel while preserving longstanding relations with Iran. Recently, New Delhi joined over 100 countries in condemning Israel's West Bank expansions, reaffirming support for a two-state Palestinian solution.

Pakistan has reacted sharply to the hexagon framework. Its Senate passed a resolution condemning Israel's 'provocative steps and statements', deeming them threats to regional and international stability. Moved by Palwasha Khan of the Pakistan Peoples Party, the resolution decried Israel's actions in Palestinian territories as violations of international law, UN resolutions, and the International Court of Justice's advisory opinion.

Concurrently, Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif visited Qatar, stressing cooperation for regional peace during meetings with the Emir and Prime Minister. Discussions reviewed economic expansion and developments in Gaza, signalling Islamabad's diplomatic outreach in the Gulf.

The visit's timing carries profound symbolic import. Few Global South leaders have travelled to Israel since the October 7, 2023, Hamas attack and the ensuing Gaza conflict. India's Ministry of External Affairs framed the trip as a reaffirmation of the deep strategic partnership, offering a platform to address shared challenges and align on a vision for resilient democracies.

PM Modi's engagement positions India at the heart of Netanyahu's geopolitical redesign, amid real-time alliance redraws in West Asia. While Pakistan voices objections, the visit underscores India's ascent in Israel's power calculus, blending defence, technology, and trade into a multifaceted strategic embrace.

Agencies

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PM Netanyahu Unveils 'Hexagon' Bloc: India Joins Israel, Greece, Cyprus To Confront Turkey-Pakistan Radical Axis

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has officially announced that Israel is forging a strategic alliance with India, Greece, Cyprus, and other nations to counter what he describes as the 'Radical Axis'. 

This declaration came during a cabinet session on 22 February 2026, coinciding with news of an imminent visit by Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi to Israel.

Netanyahu characterised the proposed coalition as a 'hexagon of alliances' encompassing countries around or within the Middle East. He explicitly named India, Greece, and Cyprus, alongside unspecified Arab states, African nations, and Asian partners. The framework aims to unite these partners on shared challenges and objectives, particularly against extremist threats.

The Israeli leader identified two primary adversaries: the 'radical Shia axis', dominated by Iran and its proxies, which Israel has aggressively targeted in recent operations, and an 'emerging radical Sunni axis'.

Sources indicate that the Sunni axis specifically concerns efforts by Turkey and Pakistan to court nations like Egypt and Saudi Arabia into an anti-Israel front.

This vision underscores Israel's intent to build a robust economic, diplomatic, and security bloc without reliance on external funding, such as from the United States. Netanyahu highlighted India's role as a global power with a uniquely close relationship to Israel, positioning it centrally in the hexagon.

Modi's forthcoming visit on 25-26 February 2026 is poised to solidify these ties. Discussions are expected to cover joint defence production, high technology, artificial intelligence, and quantum computing collaborations. Modi will address Israel's Knesset, join Netanyahu at an innovation event in Jerusalem, and visit Yad Vashem.

The timing aligns with broader geopolitical shifts, including Israel's focus on the India-Middle East-Europe Corridor (IMEC) and regional stability amid ongoing tensions. For India, this partnership advances its defence modernisation and indigenous manufacturing goals, leveraging Israeli expertise in advanced systems.

Netanyahu's remarks reflect a maturing India-Israel strategic partnership, evolving from defence imports to co-development amid shared concerns over radicalism in South Asia and the Middle East. Greece and Cyprus, longstanding Israeli allies in the Eastern Mediterranean, enhance the bloc's maritime and energy security dimensions.

Critics may view this as an escalation in proxy rivalries, with Turkey and Pakistan potentially intensifying outreach to Muslim-majority states. Nonetheless, the initiative signals a proactive Israeli diplomacy, integrating extra-regional powers like India to reshape Middle Eastern alignments.

In the context of global realignments under President Trump's administration, this hexagon could bolster non-traditional alliances against Islamist extremism. Observers anticipate formal agreements emerging from Modi's visit, marking a new chapter in multilateral counter-radical efforts.

Agencies

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Global Leaders Converge In Delhi For Pivotal AI Summit As Greek PM Touches Down

Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis has arrived in New Delhi to take part in the ongoing India AI Impact Summit 2026, marking a significant moment in the evolving India-Greece Strategic Partnership.

The high-profile visitor was warmly received at the airport by Minister of State for Health and Family Welfare and for Chemicals and Fertilizers, Anupriya Patel. Official Spokesperson of the Ministry of External Affairs, Randhir Jaiswal, highlighted the visit's potential to bolster ties rooted in deep civilisational linkages.

In a post on X, Jaiswal extended a welcome to Mitsotakis, noting his participation in the summit as a key step forward in the strategic partnership between the two nations.

Earlier on the same day, United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres also landed in the national capital. He was greeted by Minister of State for Corporate Affairs and Road Transport and Highways, Harsh Malhotra.

Jaiswal emphasised that Guterres' presence underscores India's steadfast commitment to multilateralism, sustainable development, and global peace. The visit is poised to enhance India's longstanding partnership with the United Nations.

The India AI Impact Summit 2026, hosted at Bharat Mandapam in New Delhi, commenced on 16 February and is scheduled to conclude on 20 February. It has drawn policymakers, industry experts, academicians, innovators, and civil society representatives from around the globe.

The event serves as a vital platform for advancing international dialogue on artificial intelligence, focusing on its transformative potential across sectors.

Several other world leaders have converged on New Delhi for the summit. Prime Minister Narendra Modi has already conducted bilateral meetings on the sidelines with Croatian Prime Minister Andrej Plenkovic, Google CEO Sundar Pichai, Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic, Finnish Prime Minister Petteri Orpo, and Spanish President Pedro Sanchez.

Additional dignitaries include Seychelles Vice President Sebastien Pillay, Mauritius Prime Minister Navinchandra Ramgoolam, and Sweden's Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Energy, Business, and Industry, Ebba Busch.

This gathering of global figures reflects the summit's prominence in shaping AI governance, ethics, and innovation strategies amid rapid technological advancements.

The influx of leaders signals growing international recognition of India's role as a hub for AI discourse, fostering collaborations that could influence future policies worldwide. As discussions continue at Bharat Mandapam, the summit promises to yield actionable insights on harnessing AI for sustainable progress while addressing associated challenges.

ANI

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