Pakistan’s Legal Coup: Sleepwalking Toward Martial Rule Number Five

Asim Munir has achieved what no Pakistani general before him managed without tanks or decrees, FirstPost reported.

Through the Defence Forces Act and the amended National Command Authority Act, passed by parliament on August 20, he now holds unified command over the Army, Navy and Air Force.

He possesses the authority to hire, fire and retire officers at will, controls the nuclear command structure through a loyal appointee, and sits permanently as the Prime Minister’s chief military adviser.

This consolidation of power was not seized by force but handed over legally, with parliament signing away prerogatives that Ayub Khan, Zia-ul-Haq and Pervez Musharraf had to wrest through coups.

Munir’s position is further strengthened by lifetime immunity from prosecution, secured through the 27th amendment last November. This has created a form of martial law without the formal declaration of martial law.

No unconstitutional act exists for courts, allies or the public to challenge. Unlike past military rulers, whose legitimacy eroded over time because their initial seizure of power was unlawful, Munir has removed that vulnerability. His authority is now embedded in law, making reversal far more difficult.

Pakistan’s history of coups has followed a familiar script: suspension of the constitution, rule by decree, and eventual handover under pressure. Munir’s ascent breaks that pattern. He has amassed more power than any of his predecessors held on their first day in office, but without the stigma of illegality. This inversion is what makes the current moment unprecedented and deeply consequential.

Externally, Munir has sought validation through rapid defence diplomacy in the Gulf. Within days, Pakistan signed a defence pact with Kuwait on August 27, following the Mecca agreement with Saudi Arabia and Turkey.

These agreements are less about strategic depth and more about optics. Pakistan’s military has long sold training and manpower to Gulf monarchies, but the pace of recent deals is striking.

At a time when domestic legitimacy is weakest, photographs of Munir alongside Gulf defence ministers allow Rawalpindi to project international respectability. It signals to Pakistanis that the military remains a serious actor abroad, even as unrest spreads at home.

Domestically, three provinces are simultaneously aflame. Sindh has joined Balochistan and Pakistan-occupied Kashmir in open protest. This convergence is alarming. Sindh was the province that formally backed Pakistan’s creation in the 1940s, when Punjab’s political class was still undecided. Its current rebellion is not a minor uprising but a warning reminiscent of East Pakistan before 1971.

Balochistan’s insurgency has already forced the army into judicial concessions it resisted. In PoK, thousands of Rangers were required to suppress a single march. Islamabad is now considering constitutional changes to grant interim provincial status to Gilgit-Baltistan and PoK. This move would formalise Pakistan’s hold over occupied territory precisely when its grip appears weakest.

The grievances fuelling these fires are varied—water shortages, land disputes, demands for provincial autonomy—but they converge on the same conclusion: the state’s writ is thinning. The army chief’s personal authority may be growing, but the legitimacy of the state itself is eroding faster.

Munir’s legal coup has created a paradox. He holds absolute power, yet faces provinces in revolt. The absence of tanks on the streets does not mean Pakistan is stable. Instead, it suggests the country may be sleepwalking into a fifth coup—one that requires no coup at all.

Agencies

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Pakistan’s Unified Military Command Under Asim Munir Raises Strategic Concerns For India

Pakistan’s sweeping military overhaul under Field Marshal Asim Munir has centralised command across the Army, Navy, Air Force, and nuclear forces, raising serious implications for India’s defence calculus.

The restructuring enhances Pakistan’s ability to conduct joint operations and strengthens nuclear command cohesion, potentially altering escalation dynamics in South Asia.

Pakistan has fundamentally reshaped its military command structure. Field Marshal Asim Munir now serves as Chief of Defence Forces, a position created through constitutional and legislative changes. 

This role places him at the apex of a unified command that integrates the Army, Navy, and Air Force under one centralised authority. The Defence Forces Headquarters has been established to serve as the operational hub of this new system.

The abolition of the Chairman Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee and the creation of the Chief of Defence Forces marks a decisive shift in Pakistan’s military hierarchy. Munir’s dual-hatted role as Chief of Army Staff and Chief of Defence Forces consolidates power, streamlining decision-making and ensuring tighter control over tri-service operations. This centralisation is designed to enhance rapid response capabilities and improve coordination in conflict scenarios.

The restructuring also extends to Pakistan’s nuclear command. The National Strategic Command has been created to oversee nuclear assets, delivery systems, and missile development. General Syed Aamer Raza has been appointed as the first Commander of this four-star office, tasked with operational integration of strategic forces. This move effectively sidelines the civilian-led National Command Authority, reducing prime ministerial oversight to an informational role rather than operational control.

For India, the implications are significant. A centralised command could translate into greater joint combat power, particularly in a nuclear environment. The integration of conventional and strategic forces under one command structure may allow Pakistan to pursue more cohesive warfighting strategies, complicating India’s deterrence posture.

The emphasis on multi-domain integration mirrors Chinese military reforms, suggesting Beijing’s influence in shaping Pakistan’s defence architecture.

The overhaul has also disrupted internal military processes. Promotion boards have been deferred for over fifteen months, and routine Formation Commanders’ Conferences have been suspended since 2024. These changes reflect the concentration of authority within the Chief of Defence Forces’ office, diminishing the autonomy traditionally held by Corps Commanders.

Strategically, Pakistan aims to enhance deterrence along its eastern border with India. The consolidation of command is intended to strengthen operational cohesion and ensure optimum jointness of the armed forces. The Defence Forces Act grants the Chief of Defence Forces sweeping powers, including authority over retirements, resignations, and service extensions, further cementing Munir’s control.

For India, the challenge lies in assessing whether Pakistan’s new structure will lead to more effective military operations or whether bureaucratic centralisation could slow decision-making in practice. The nuclear dimension adds complexity, as a streamlined command may reduce ambiguity in Pakistan’s nuclear posture, potentially increasing risks of rapid escalation during crises.

India must therefore recalibrate its strategic planning, taking into account Pakistan’s evolving military architecture. The centralisation under Asim Munir represents not just a structural change but a potential shift in South Asia’s security dynamics, with long-term consequences for deterrence stability and regional balance.

Agencies

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Pakistan Assembly Formalises Asim Munir’s Expanded Military Control

Pakistan’s National Assembly has passed two significant bills designed to formalise sweeping changes in the country’s military and nuclear command structures.

These legislative measures follow last year’s 27th constitutional amendment, which introduced the office of Chief of Defence Forces by abolishing the Chairman Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee.

The position of Chief of Defence Forces is currently held by Field Marshal Asim Munir, who also serves as Chief of Army Staff.

The new bills aim to streamline the military hierarchy and integrate strategic forces under a centralised framework. One of the bills also provides for the establishment of a Defence Forces Headquarters, which will serve as the unified headquarters of the Armed Forces.

The Chief of Defence Forces will act as the principal military advisor to the prime minister on national security, defence, and all matters relating to the armed forces.

The legislation also introduced the post of Commander of the National Strategic Command, a four-star office overseeing the operational integration of Pakistan’s strategic forces. General Syed Aamer Raza, promoted last month from lieutenant general, has been appointed as the first Commander of the National Strategic Command. His appointment reflects the broader restructuring of Pakistan’s defence architecture.

Defence Minister Khawaja Asif presented the bills in the National Assembly, with Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif present during the session. A statement from the Prime Minister’s Office explained that the bills were prepared as a continuation of constitutional changes made under the 27th amendment.

The Defence Forces of Pakistan Act, 2026, aims to determine administrative matters regarding the office of the Chief of Defence Forces and the Defence Forces Headquarters. Amendments to the National Command Authority Act, 2010, were described as a necessary process following the constitutional changes.

According to drafts seen by the Dawn newspaper, the Defence Forces Act is designed to give effect to the Chief of Defence Forces’ role as commander of the armed forces. It seeks to ensure multi-domain integration, restructuring, and optimum jointness of the armed forces.

The headquarters will be under the command of the Chief of Defence Forces, who will have operational command and control of the armed forces and will be responsible to the federal government for matters of command and control.

The draft outlines extensive powers for the Chief of Defence Forces. These include authority to retire, release, accept or reject resignations, discharge from service, retain in service, or relax age or service limits of retirement for those subject to armed forces law, though not for those appointed under Article 243.

The Chief of Defence Forces may also exercise other powers and perform functions as prescribed by the federal government. Both the government and the Chief of Defence Forces may issue instructions and amend rules and regulations to ensure the provisions of the act are implemented.

The draft further provides that if any difficulty or inconsistency arises, the president may issue an order to remove such difficulty.

The bills must now be passed by the Senate before being sent to the president for approval to become law.

This legislative process marks a decisive step in consolidating military authority under Asim Munir, giving him sweeping control over Pakistan’s armed forces and strategic command structures.

PTI

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'Take Off Your Uniform': Fazlur Rehman Challenges Asim Munir On Balochistan, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa And Political Role

A prominent Pakistani religious and political figure Maulana Fazlur Rehman has sharply criticized the country’s military, accusing it of exceeding its constitutional authority, interfering in politics, and failing to reassert government control in violence-plagued Balochistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, News18 reported.

Maulana Fazlur Rehman has delivered one of the sharpest rebukes of Pakistan’s military establishment in recent months, accusing Field Marshal Asim Munir and the armed forces of losing control over Balochistan and meddling in politics.

Speaking at a rally in Qasur, Punjab, the veteran politician and Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam-Fazl (JUI-F) chief declared that the military had overstepped its constitutional role and challenged Munir to shed his uniform and contest elections if he wished to play a political role.

Rehman rejected Munir’s recent appeal for civilians to stand alongside the army in its fight against militant groups. He argued that defending the country was the military’s constitutional responsibility and that civilians should not be asked to wage battles that soldiers are paid to fight.

He said, “Your youth wear the uniform for this very purpose. They are paid salaries to defend the country’s security. Why do you throw the favour of your blood on me?”

He painted a grim picture of Pakistan’s security situation, claiming the state had steadily lost control over large parts of Balochistan and that violence had now engulfed Pashtun-majority regions as well. He declared that “the entire Baloch region had slipped out of Pakistan’s control” and warned that Khyber Pakhtunkhwa was now drowning in blood, citing more than fifty bodies received in just two or three days.

Rehman criticised the military’s strategy of asking civilians to confront armed groups, warning that such policies would deepen social divisions and create generational vendettas. He said the armed forces were pushing the homeland toward murder and plunder, leaving behind cycles of personal vendettas that would last for generations.

He accused the military of repeatedly stepping into domains reserved for elected institutions, stressing that parliament, government departments, and the army each had their own boundaries.

He insisted that the army should remain within its own sphere of authority and not interfere in politics. He reminded the military leadership that they too were Pakistanis and brothers, but must respect constitutional limits.

Rehman reserved some of his sharpest criticism for what he alleged was the military’s long-standing role in shaping governments. He argued that the armed forces had taken it upon themselves to decide who should govern and who should be removed, and insisted that if they wished to rule, they must face the voters directly.

He said, “If you want to do politics, then take off the uniform and come; participate in the elections, and it will become clear what votes people give to those in uniform.”

His remarks amount to a direct challenge to Munir’s authority and revive the long-running debate over the military’s role in Pakistan’s politics and internal security.

They also highlight the growing frustration among mainstream political figures over the army’s dominance in governance and its failure to restore stability in violence-hit regions.

Agencies

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Pakistan Army’s Enduring Legacy of Violating International Laws

Defying UN Sanctions

While Pakistan may have a host of negative attributes, it nevertheless deserves credit for not only brazenly violating international agreements, but also getting away with the same.

The latest example of this are media reports regarding Pakistan’s newly promoted Chief of Defence Forces (CDF) Field Marshal Syed Asim Munir approving a $ 4 billion sale package of military hardware to the Libyan National Army (LNA), a conglomerate comprising fundamentalist militias and foreign mercenaries.

Readers would recall that during January this year, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) had vide resolution 2769 (2025), extended the existing arms embargo to “armed actors in Libya” upto May 15, 2026. Expressing “grave concern over continued violations of the arms embargo,” it “demands full compliance by all Member States with the arms embargo” and stipulates that those violating it “are subject to designation.” LNA is an "armed actor," yet Munir doesn’t seem to care.

An Ignominious Record

The Pakistan army has a long history of disregarding international laws and conventions. Less than three months after its creation, the Pakistan army violated the standstill agreement signed by the Government of Pakistan with the then ruler of J&K by launching an unprovoked military operation in the garb of a tribal invasion to seize control of this region. It made yet another such unsuccessful attempt in 1965 and pushed Pakistan into a full blown war with India.

Despite these two consecutive reverses, the Pakistan army doesn’t seem to have learnt a lesson as it made yet another attempt in 1999 to alter the Line of Control (LoC) alignment but its troops were forced to retreat after abandoning the dead bodies of their rank and file killed in combat.

While Rawalpindi may try and justify these military misadventures by peddling the incredible yarn of J&K being Pakistan’s Shah Ragh (Jugular Vein), how does it explain its former army chief Gen Pervez Musharraf’s revelation that “We poisoned Pakistani civil society for 10 years when we fought the Soviets in Afghanistan in the 1980s”? Isn't it a tragedy that Rawalpindi hasn't even spared its own countrymen?

Defying UN Sanctions

Perhaps one of the most outrageous (and surprisingly least mentioned) incident which reveals complete disregard that the Pakistan army has for honouring UN stipulated arms embargo is the partisan role played by its spy agency Inter Services Intelligence (ISI) during the Bosnian War in the 1990s, which was revealed by none other than Lt Gen Javed Nasir who was the Director General (DG) ISI during this period.

In his petition filed in an anti-terrorism court in Lahore on October 23, 2002 against a report of his alleged involvement in embezzlement published by an English daily, Nasir had mentioned that “despite the UN ban on supply of arms to the besieged Bosnians, he successfully airlifted sophisticated anti-tank guided missiles which turned the tide in favour of Bosnian Muslims and forced the Serbs to lift the siege, ...”

Nasir’s voluntary revelation set alarm bells ringing and when the former Yugoslavian army chief and his deputy were put on trial by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) for war crimes and crimes against humanity during the war in Bosnia and Croatia during the 1990s, the duo claimed that the military help to the Bosnian Muslims by Lt Gen Nasir had compelled them to retaliate against Bosnian Muslims.

However, Pakistan turned down ICTY’s request for custody of the former DGISI on the grounds that after having met with an accident, Lt Gen Nasir had “lost his memory” in an accident and hence was unable to either depose in court. Inexplicably, no neutral medical committee was formed by ICTY to evaluate whether Lt Gen Nasir was really not in a mental condition to appear before ICTY.

Though several Islamic countries such as Egypt, Tunisia, Algeria and the Philippines lodged strong protests with Islamabad against Lt Gen Nasir’s covert support to radical movements in their respective countries, Rawalpindi took no action to rein him in. It was only after Washington registered a formal complaint regarding his partisan dealings and put Pakistan on its terror watch list, that Lt Gen Nasir’s services were terminated in 1993.

Interestingly, despite proven charges of extremely serious professional misconduct, Islamabad didn’t even consider it necessary to investigate Lt Gen Nasir even after he acknowledged having violated the UN arms embargo. Could there be a more revealing example of institutional irresponsibility?

Demystifying Rawalpindi’s Hyper-Arrogance

Since the Pakistan army is law unto itself and answerable to none, it would be wrong to apportion blame on the Government of Pakistan for the failure to take appropriate action against delinquent Generals and the infamous 2016 Dawn Leak incident is a classic illustration of Rawalpindi’s overbearing dominance over Islamabad.

Readers would recall how Rawalpindi took extraordinary umbrage to a factual news report published by Dawn revealing that the army had been told by the lawmakers and bureaucrats that it needed to act against militants (terrorists) or face international isolation. While the author of this report was placed on the Exit Control List, the Information Minister was sacked. The most surprising thing however was that DGISPR who was just a two-star General had the gall to tweet that "Notification (issued by the Prime Minister’s Office) on Dawn Leak is incomplete and not in line with recommendations by the Inquiry Board. Notification is rejected."

Besides the legislature, Rawalpindi also has the judiciary under its thumb. Some examples of the influence Rawalpindi wields over the judiciary:

• In 2016, former Pakistan army chief Gen Pervez Musharraf disclosed that the then army chief Gen Raheel Sharif had "influenced the courts" to get him off the Exit Control List and leave the country.

• In 2018, Islamabad High Court senior judge Justice Shaukat Aziz revealed that the judiciary was under control of the army by disclosing that “in different cases, the ISI forms benches of its choice to get desired results.”

• In 2024, six sitting judges of Pakistan’s Supreme Court addressed a letter to the country’s Supreme Judicial Council complaining that “considerable pressure was brought to bear” on the signatories by the ISI through intimidatory tactics like placing secret surveillance devices in living and bedrooms, as well as abducting and torturing their family members. They requested that “a judicial convention be called to consider the matter of interference of intelligence (ISI) operatives with judicial functions and/or intimidation of judges in a manner that undermines the independence of the judiciary.”

It emerges that the Pakistan army's scant regard for international laws and conventions stems from abysmal failure of the UN and international community to faithfully discharge its assigned responsibilities and taking appropriate actions to penalise Islamabad for violating international laws. Field Marshal Munir’s has started main streaming terrorism in Pakistan.

Pakistan army officers and soldiers in uniform attended the funeral prayer ceremony of terrorists killed in the Indian airstrike on headquarters of Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) located in Muridke during Operation Sindoor. US-designated terrorist Hafiz Abdur Rauf led the prayers and the coffins of slain LeT commanders were draped in Pakistan’s national flag- an irrefutable proof of Rawalpindi’s close links with terrorists. Yet, the international community remains unperturbed by this barefaced public display of the Pakistan army’s solidarity with terrorist groups.

In October, UN designated terrorist Masood Azhar announced the creation of the JeM’s women wing named Jamaat-ul-Mominaat with his sister Sadia Azhar as its chief. Females joining this outfit would undergo Daura-e-Taskiya, an induction course which is the equivalent of the Daura-e-Tarbiat course for male JeM new entrants in which they are taught that jihad (Holy war) against India guarantees jannat (paradise). However, after completing the Daura-e-Taskiya course, the women recruits would attend Daura-Ayat-ul- Nisah, a course where they would study Islamic interpretations that mandate female participation in armed jihad.

The international community doesn’t seem to be perturbed by the Pakistan army’s close links with terrorist groups as they probably perceive this evil nexus being essentially anti-India that poses no threat to them. However, its silence on the creation of Jamaat-ul-Mominaat is really worrisome because with the announcement that women of this organisation will operate alongside male JeM terrorists to “spread Islam across the world” through armed jihad, no one is any longer safe.

Looking the other way is no longer an option!

Nilesh Kunwar is a retired Indian Army Officer who has served in Jammu & Kashmir, Assam, Nagaland and Manipur. He is a keen ‘Kashmir-Watcher,’ and after retirement is pursuing his favourite hobby of writing for newspapers, journals and think-tanks. Views expressed above are the author's own

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India Delivers Stinging Rebuke To Pakistan's Democracy Crisis, Imran Khan's Jailing, And Junta-Driven Constitutional Overhaul

India has delivered a stinging rebuke to Pakistan's political landscape at the United Nations Security Council, spotlighting the imprisonment of former Prime Minister Imran Khan and what it describes as a military-orchestrated "constitutional coup" via the 27th Amendment.

During an open debate on "Leadership for Peace" in New York, India's Permanent Representative to the UN, Ambassador Harish Parvathaneni, lambasted Islamabad's approach to democracy.

He remarked that Pakistan possesses a "unique way of respecting the will of its people" – by jailing a prime minister, banning the ruling political party, and permitting its armed forces to engineer constitutional changes through the 27th Amendment, which grants lifetime immunity to Chief of Defence Forces Asim Munir.

These comments formed part of India's firm dismissal of Pakistan's assertions regarding Jammu and Kashmir, which New Delhi labelled as "unwarranted" and emblematic of Islamabad's "obsessive focus on harming India".

Imran Khan has been incarcerated since August 2023, serving a sentence in a €190 million corruption case, while also facing trials under the Anti-Terrorism Act linked to protests on 9 May 2023.

His party, Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), has raised alarms over a recent United Nations report by Special Rapporteur on Torture Alice Jill Edwards, which alleges that Khan endures degrading and inhuman treatment at Adiala Jail.

The 27th Constitutional Amendment Bill, passed last month according to Geo News, encompasses 59 clauses that overhaul Pakistan's military and judicial frameworks.

A key provision elevates the Chief of Army Staff to Chief of Defence Forces, with honorary ranks such as Field Marshal, Marshal of the Air Force, and Admiral of the Fleet designated as lifetime titles.

The amendment establishes a Federal Constitutional Court (FCC) to share authority with the Supreme Court, particularly on constitutional issues, comprising judges from all provinces with equal representation.

This new court holds powers to initiate suo motu proceedings on constitutional petitions, marking a shift in judicial oversight.

Further changes curtail presidential immunity under specific conditions and restructure the judicial commission handling judges' appointments and transfers.

India's intervention underscores longstanding tensions, framing Pakistan's internal reforms as a consolidation of military dominance at democracy's expense.

Parvathaneni's speech ties these developments to broader geopolitical friction, rejecting Pakistan's UN rhetoric on Kashmir as a diversionary tactic.

The timing aligns with heightened scrutiny of Pakistan's governance, amid economic woes and political instability that have persisted since Khan's ouster in 2022.

PTI supporters view the amendment as entrenching military influence, echoing historical patterns of army-led interventions in civilian affairs.

Khan's legal battles, including over 200 cases, have drawn international concern, with human rights groups echoing UN findings on his detention conditions.

India's forthright stance at the UNSC amplifies its narrative of Pakistan as a destabilising force, leveraging the global platform to highlight democratic backsliding.

Asim Munir's enhanced role, complete with lifetime immunity, signals a fortified military establishment, potentially reshaping civil-military dynamics for years.

The FCC's creation could streamline constitutional adjudication but risks perceptions of bias towards military interests, given its balanced provincial composition.

Pakistan's response to India's critique remains pending, though past patterns suggest defiant counter-accusations on Kashmir and bilateral disputes.

This episode at the UN reinforces India's diplomatic strategy of exposing adversaries' vulnerabilities while defending its territorial integrity.

Observers note that such public rebukes could strain already fraught India-Pakistan relations, complicating regional peace efforts.

The 27th Amendment's passage, despite PTI's exclusion from power, highlights the opposition's diminished leverage in Pakistan's parliamentary processes.

Khan's PTI alleges electoral rigging in recent polls, further fuelling claims of a military-engineered political order.

India's remarks resonate with global watchers tracking authoritarian drifts, positioning New Delhi as a vocal proponent of democratic norms – albeit selectively.

As the dust settles on this UNSC exchange, the amendment's long-term impacts on Pakistan's judiciary and military hierarchy will draw sustained analysis.

This development arrives against a backdrop of Pakistan's internal challenges, including security threats and economic pressures that amplify military sway.

Based On ANI Report

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Dhruva Jaishankar Highlights US Engagement With Pakistan Military As A Key Challenge In India-US Relations

Dhruva Jaishankar, Executive Director of Observer Research Foundation America, has highlighted a significant challenge in India-US relations centred around America's renewed engagement with Pakistan’s military leadership.

He raised this point during a hearing organized by the House Foreign Affairs South and Central Asia Subcommittee, themed "The US-India Strategic Partnership: Securing a Free and Open Indo-Pacific." Jaishankar underscored that Pakistan’s military involvement remains a sensitive issue for India given its history of using non-state terrorist groups against the country.

Jaishankar pointed out that India believes third-party mediation efforts, often led by the United States, have historically enabled Pakistan’s aggressive posturing rather than resolving core disputes.

He explained that the US pursues a policy of ‘de-hyphenation’, engaging Pakistan and India separately while minimising direct involvement in their bilateral conflicts. Despite this, Jaishankar suggested there is substantial potential for India-US collaboration if issues surrounding Pakistan and trade can be effectively managed.

These remarks come against a backdrop of intensified US economic engagement with Pakistan, particularly in the resource-rich province of Balochistan. Recently, the US Export-Import Bank approved USD 1.25 billion in financing for the Reko Diq mining project, which aims to extract critical minerals.

The US Embassy in Islamabad has termed this a ‘game-changer’ for both local communities and US businesses, citing job creation estimates of 6,000 in the US and 7,500 in Balochistan from the project.

Natalie A Baker, Charge d'Affaires ad interim at the US Embassy in Islamabad, emphasised that this commercial deal aligns with the Trump administration’s diplomatic approach, which focuses heavily on economic partnerships.

She highlighted that the financing would bring high-quality US mining equipment and services to Pakistan, spotlighting it as a model for similar future ventures.

The US move to deepen economic ties is part of a broader outreach aimed at Pakistan, following earlier initiatives such as a trade partnership focused on Pakistan’s oil reserves announced by Donald Trump in July.

Trump indicated that the partnership could potentially result in Pakistan selling oil to India one day, despite diplomatic tensions. However, this announcement came shortly after the US imposed tariffs and penalties on India, complicating the regional dynamics.

Earlier in 2025, after the May conflict marked by the Pahalgam terror attack that killed 26 people, Trump hosted Pakistan Army Chief Asim Munir at the White House. Trump praised Munir for preventing escalation into a full-scale war, stating that the visit was to thank Munir for his role in ending hostilities. Munir’s visits to the US, including a subsequent trip in August, involved statements critical of India, including threats related to infrastructure projects and reaffirmation of Pakistan’s claim over Kashmir.

India has consistently rejected such rhetoric, regarding Kashmir as an integral part of its territory and dismissing Pakistan’s claims as baseless. The Ministry of External Affairs spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal firmly refuted the notion that Kashmir is anything but an Indian union territory, asserting that Pakistan’s engagement relates only to the parts it illegally occupies.

Pakistan’s appreciation for the US role is reflected in its nomination of then President Trump for the Nobel Peace Prize, a gesture thanking him for what Pakistan perceives as instrumental diplomatic intervention during the May conflict. Pakistan Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif also praised Trump as a ‘man of peace’ during his UN General Assembly speech and reiterated the nomination.

However, India clarifies that the cessation of hostilities was achieved not primarily due to US diplomacy but following direct military-to-military communication between the Director Generals of Military Operations of the two countries.

This distinction highlights India’s preference for direct bilateral mechanisms over third-party mediation in managing Pakistan-related conflicts.

Overall, the evolving US engagement with Pakistan—especially its military leadership—and the growing economic partnerships underline persistent complexities in India-US relations.

Balancing strategic ties with India while expanding commercial and diplomatic interactions with Pakistan remains a delicate exercise for Washington that will require nuanced handling to sustain and deepen the Indo-US partnership.

Based On ANI Report

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US Congress Members Demand Action Over Pakistani Dictator Asim Munir’s Crimes Against Humanity In Urgent Letter To State Department

A group of 42 U.S. lawmakers has issued a strong statement decrying Pakistan’s worsening human rights crisis, urging the Trump administration to hold Pakistan’s military accountable and call for the release of political prisoners

US lawmakers have written a strongly worded letter to Secretary of State Marco Rubio, calling for immediate sanctions against Pakistan's Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif and Army Chief General Asim Munir.

In a rare move, 44 members of the US Congress expressed deep concern about the rapidly deteriorating political and human rights situation in Pakistan. Their letter highlights an alarming rise in authoritarianism and military dominance over civilian governance.

The lawmakers accuse Pakistan’s military leadership of effectively running the government behind the scenes, marginalising elected officials and crushing dissent.

They point to widespread violations of fundamental rights and freedoms, including the targeting of journalists and critics. Pakistani-American citizens living abroad have reportedly been intimidated or threatened for speaking out against the regime’s abuses, amplifying concerns about cross-border repression.

One particularly chilling example cited in the letter involves Virginia-based investigative journalist Ahmed Noorani, who has reported extensively on corruption within the Pakistani army. After his reporting, his two brothers living in Pakistan were allegedly abducted and held for over a month, suggesting a direct retaliation against dissent by the military establishment. Another case involves the abduction of the brother-in-law of famous musician Salman Ahmed, who was later released only following intervention by American officials.

The MPs also raised serious doubts about the credibility of Pakistan’s 2024 general elections. They referenced independent investigations like the ‘Pattan Report’ and statements from the US State Department that pointed to widespread rigging and electoral manipulation.

According to their letter, these irregularities facilitated the installation of a “puppet government” which presents the façade of legitimacy while remaining tightly controlled by the military.

Further alarming is the concern over a recent ruling by Pakistan’s Supreme Court that allows ordinary civilians to be tried in military courts. This development is perceived as a blatant subversion of civilian judicial authority and an extension of military control over civil society. The lawmakers argue that these actions contribute to the erosion of democratic norms and institutional independence in Pakistan.

The letter demands that the US government impose strict sanctions on key Pakistani officials responsible for these abuses. They suggest possible measures, including a full visa ban preventing travel to the US for those involved in human rights violations or intimidation of Americans and their relatives. Additionally, the freezing of assets and financial transactions under the Global Magnitsky Act is urged as a way to apply economic pressure on the regime.

In 2025, Army Chief Asim Munir met US political leaders twice, including two meetings with Donald Trump — one of them a closed-door lunch at the White House. These engagements occurred despite significant protests by the Pakistani diaspora in America, who publicly denounced Munir as a dictator and human rights violator.

US lawmakers also called for the immediate release of former Prime Minister Imran Khan and other political prisoners. They warned that failing to uphold legal freedoms undermines the rule of law in Pakistan and exacerbates instability. The letter stresses that decisive American action would affirm the country’s commitment to human rights, protect Pakistani-American citizens from persecution, and contribute to peace in the region.

Imran Khan’s family was allowed to meet him on 2 December after 27 days of separation, which followed a week of denied visitations that sparked rumours of his death in custody. The resulting outrage led to large-scale protests and heightened security alerts between Rawalpindi and Islamabad. Khan’s sister publicly addressed the media after her visit to Adiala Jail, adding further attention to his detention conditions.

Meanwhile, Pakistan’s internal political dynamics seem increasingly fraught. There has been a delay in appointing Asim Munir as Chief of Defence Forces, a formal role elevating him to Supreme Commander of all armed forces.

PM Shehbaz Sharif has reportedly stalled signing the relevant notification, even as he travelled abroad in late November. This pause suggests tensions or disagreements within Pakistan’s ruling elite regarding the army’s expanding influence.

The US lawmakers’ letter marks a significant escalation in international scrutiny of Pakistan’s governance and military control. It reflects growing frustration within the US Congress about Pakistan’s trajectory towards dictatorship and its impact on regional security and human rights.

The proposed sanctions and diplomatic pressure could further complicate US-Pakistan relations amid ongoing geopolitical shifts and the military’s entrenched power in Islamabad.

Agencies

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UN Rights Chief Flags Pakistan's Constitutional Amendment As Threat To Judicial Independence

The United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, Volker Turk, has issued a strong warning about Pakistan's recent 27th Constitutional Amendment passed on 13 November 2025. He expressed deep alarm that the amendment poses a grave threat to the independence of Pakistan's judiciary, military accountability, and the rule of law.

Turk highlighted that the amendment was adopted hastily and without public or legal consultation, mirroring issues seen in last year's 26th Amendment, which similarly bypassed engagement with the judiciary and civil society.

The amendment establishes a new Federal Constitutional Court (FCC) to handle all constitutional cases, effectively side-lining the Supreme Court and restricting its jurisdiction to civil and criminal matters. The formation of this court, coupled with government-directed judicial appointments, undermines the impartiality and autonomy of Pakistan's judiciary.

Turk pointed out that such unilateral restructuring risks subordinating the judiciary to political interference and executive dominance, which contradicts the fundamental democratic principle of separation of powers essential for safeguarding human rights.

Criticism was also levelled at the amendment's revised procedures for judicial appointments, promotions, and transfers. The first Chief Justice and judges of the FCC were directly appointed by the President on the Prime Minister's advice, seriously compromising judicial independence.

The amendment further grants sweeping lifetime immunities from criminal prosecution and arrest to Pakistan's top officials, including the President and senior military leaders, which Turk warned effectively removes any meaningful accountability mechanism for those in power.

Turk's concerns extend to the erosion of democratic oversight and human rights protections due to these immunity clauses. He underscored that respecting judicial independence and the rule of law is vital to upholding the rights and freedoms of all citizens.

The UN human rights chief has urged the Pakistani government to reconsider this legislation to preserve these essential democratic and legal principles.

This amendment has triggered significant backlash within Pakistan, including the resignation of senior Supreme Court judges who perceive this move as a serious attack on the constitution and a subjugation of the judiciary to executive control, leaving the constitution a "mere shadow" of its intended role.

The entire package reflects a trend towards centralising power in the executive and military at the expense of institutional checks and balances.​

Based On ANI Report

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Pakistan Elevates Army Chief Asim Munir To Chief of Defence Forces under Sweeping Constitutional Overhaul

Pakistan’s parliament has passed a controversial constitutional amendment that significantly expands the powers of the military establishment while diminishing the authority of the judiciary.

This formally elevates Army Chief General Asim Munir to the newly created position of Chief of Defence Forces (CDF), making him the constitutional head of Pakistan’s army, navy, and air force.

The 27th Constitutional Amendment Bill was adopted in the National Assembly with an overwhelming majority of 234 votes in favour, against only four dissenting. The Senate had earlier cleared the bill without opposition, as opposition benches abstained from participating. The legislation is now scheduled to be returned to the Senate for minor adjustments before being presented to President Asif Ali Zardari for final assent.

The amendment grants life-long legal immunity to the army chief and institutional recognition to the armed forces, ensuring their insulation from future judicial scrutiny. General Asim Munir, already one of Pakistan’s most powerful figures, now assumes a consolidated role covering the entire defence apparatus. The bill also preserves honorary ranks such as Field Marshal, Marshal of the Air Force, and Admiral of the Fleet as lifetime titles for serving or retired chiefs.

A central feature of the amendment is the creation of a new Federal Constitutional Court (FCC) that will assume jurisdiction over constitutional and political matters. This change effectively curtails the role of Pakistan’s Supreme Court, which in recent years has played an assertive role by annulling government decisions and disqualifying elected leaders. The judges of the FCC will be appointed directly by the government, raising concerns over separation of powers and judicial independence.

Under the new legal framework, the title of Chief Justice of Pakistan (CJP) remains intact for the current holder. However, future appointments will redefine the CJP’s office as belonging to the senior-most judge among the heads of both the Supreme Court and the FCC. Furthermore, the new court is barred from hearing or ratifying acts of high treason, a clause that critics say effectively protects the military and state institutions from legal accountability.

The opposition Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), led by incarcerated former Prime Minister Imran Khan, boycotted the vote and staged a walkout. PTI lawmakers tore up copies of the bill inside the Assembly, denouncing it as an assault on democracy.

PTI Chairman Barrister Gohar Ali Khan accused the government of secretly inserting clauses into Article 260, expanding definitions without due deliberation or debate, and declared that the government had “sunk the ship of democracy and judicial independence.”

Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif defended the amendment, describing its passage as an act of “national unity and institutional cooperation.” Government ministers maintained that the changes strengthen constitutional harmony and prevent judicial overreach in matters of governance and national security.

Political analysts view the development as the most significant constitutional restructuring in Pakistan’s recent history—one that formalises the military’s dominance over civilian institutions. Observers warn that while the move may ensure stability in the short term, it risks consolidating autocratic control and diminishing prospects for democratic reform in the long run.

Based On ANI Report

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Pakistan’s Army Chief Asim Munir Set For Expanded Powers As Constitutional Reforms Curtail Supreme Court Authority

Pakistan’s political landscape is undergoing a dramatic transformation following the Senate’s approval of the controversial 27th Constitutional Amendment, which substantially enhances the military’s authority and curtails the powers of the Supreme Court.

The proposal, swiftly passed in under three hours amid an opposition boycott, still requires passage in the lower house to become law.

Under the proposed reform, Army Chief Asim Munir is set to assume the newly created role of Chief of Defence Forces, granting him overarching command of Pakistan’s army, air force, and navy.

The amendment also provides him with lifetime legal immunity and the retention of his rank post-retirement—provisions viewed by critics as an attempt to institutionalise military dominance in governance.

Historically, Pakistan’s armed forces operated under a system in which the chiefs of the army, air force, and navy were formally equal, overseen by a Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee. The new law eliminates this position, consolidating command directly under Munir.

This restructuring gives the army chief explicit constitutional backing, thereby reinforcing his political and strategic control beyond mere operational leadership.

President Donald Trump, referring to Munir as his “favourite Field Marshal,” had congratulated him earlier this year following his elevation to the rank of Field Marshal after the May conflict with India. Law Minister Azam Tarar described Munir as “the hero of the whole nation,” asserting that his status warranted constitutional protection.

Equally significant is the amendment’s plan to strip Pakistan’s Supreme Court of its jurisdiction over constitutional matters. These cases would now be transferred to a newly proposed Federal Constitutional Court, whose judges would be government appointees. Legal observers warn that this reform could pave the way for political interference in the judiciary and reduce institutional checks on executive and military power.

The Supreme Court, which has historically acted as a counterweight to the military-backed establishment, frequently challenged government decisions and even disqualified sitting prime ministers. Critics argue that the establishment of a government-appointed constitutional body will silence judicial independence.

The amendment includes provisions granting President Asif Zardari lifelong immunity from prosecution. Government spokespersons have defended the move, saying it ensures administrative stability and protects the highest offices from political vendettas. However, opposition leaders view it as another measure designed to shield ruling elites and their allies from accountability.

Information Minister Attaullah Tarar justified the amendments as necessary for “better coordination between the federal and provincial governments” and for strengthening national defence following the recent hostilities with India. He stressed that constitutional streamlining was vital for post-conflict security management.

The opposition Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), founded by jailed former Prime Minister Imran Khan, has condemned the move as unconstitutional and undemocratic. PTI senator Ali Zafar declared during the Senate session, “No one will accept this constitutional amendment if there is no consensus.

You cannot force a constitution through bullets.” Following heated protests, opposition parties walked out in protest as the bill was hurried through debate.

Opposition leaders have vowed to launch nationwide demonstrations against what they describe as a creeping militarisation of civilian governance. They argue that the speed and secrecy surrounding the Senate vote reflect deliberate attempts to avoid public scrutiny and bypass democratic consultation.

The military has not publicly commented on the developments, though security officials privately argue that modern warfare demands unified defence leadership. They cite the growing importance of joint command structures that integrate land, air, and naval operations under a single authority.

Observers note that while Pakistan has avoided military coups for the past decade, civilian institutions remain under constant pressure from the armed forces, which exert considerable influence behind the scenes.

The government insists it has the required two-thirds majority in both houses of parliament to formalise the reforms. If passed by the National Assembly, the amendments will entrench the military’s supremacy within Pakistan’s constitutional framework, locking in powers that will be difficult to reverse through legislative or judicial means.

Based On Reuters Report

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Pakistan’s 27th Amendment: Constitutional Reforms May Consolidate Field Marshal Asim Munir’s Expanding Power

Amid Field Marshal Asim Munir’s growing influence across Pakistan’s political and military landscape, the government led by Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif is preparing to introduce the 27th Constitutional Amendment. The proposed changes are set to deepen the military’s institutional role, triggering intense debate about the country’s fragile civil–military balance.

The Sharif administration has confirmed that the amendment will soon be tabled in Parliament. Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar stated in the Senate that the government is proceeding “in accordance with principles, laws and the Constitution,” dismissing opposition claims of procedural shortcuts. His assurance, however, has done little to calm political anxieties across the spectrum.

According to multiple Pakistani media outlets, the 27th Amendment seeks to alter Article 243 of the Constitution — the provision that governs the appointment and command of the armed forces. The most significant proposal reportedly introduces a new Commander-in-Chief position, distinct from the Chief of Army Staff, potentially reshaping Pakistan’s civil–military command structure.

Additional provisions aim to establish constitutional courts, restore executive magistrates, and revise the appointment process for the chief election commissioner. The amendment further proposes to re-centralise several provincial powers by reducing their share in federal resources and shifting the ministries of education and population welfare back under federal oversight.

These measures, if passed, could partially undo the devolution achieved under the landmark 18th Amendment of 2010, which strengthened Pakistan’s federation by enhancing provincial autonomy.

The proposals have provoked sharp criticism from opposition parties and constitutional experts. Former senator Mustafa Nawaz Khokhar warned that the creation of a new top military command would “transform Pakistan’s civil-military equilibrium” and risk placing civilian institutions under military dominance.

Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) Senator Raza Rabbani expressed concern that the 27th Amendment could undermine the federal structure painstakingly established through the 18th Amendment, calling the move “a reversal of democratic progress.”

The Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), led by Hamid Khan, has vowed to oppose the legislation, labelling it an attempt to “destroy the Constitution.” Meanwhile, PPP leader Bilawal Bhutto Zardari confirmed that the government approached him for support, indicating backchannel discussions are underway to build the required consensus.

For the amendment to pass, it requires a two-thirds majority in both chambers of Parliament. The ruling coalition commands a comfortable majority in the National Assembly, controlling 233 out of 336 seats. The Senate, however, presents a tougher challenge. The coalition currently holds 61 of 96 seats, making the support of at least three opposition members essential for success.

Analysts believe the government could enlist the backing of the Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (Fazl) faction led by Maulana Fazlur Rehman to bridge the gap. Nevertheless, intense parliamentary negotiations are likely in the coming weeks.

Field Marshal Asim Munir has emerged as one of the most powerful figures in Pakistan’s contemporary history. Promoted earlier this year following India’s Operation Sindoor, Munir has exerted increasing sway not only over domestic affairs but also in international diplomacy. He accompanied high-level delegations abroad and received rare praise from US President Donald Trump during recent trade talks involving Pakistan.

Observers suggest that the constitutional proposals are part of a broader strategy to institutionalise Munir’s influence and ensure continued military oversight over governance, national security, and economic stabilisation efforts. Such structural changes, if enacted, would codify the military’s elevated status within Pakistan’s constitutional framework, blurring the already thin line between civilian authority and military power.

The pending 27th Amendment marks a critical juncture in Pakistan’s evolving political order. Supporters of the government claim that the reforms will streamline governance, ensure stability, and modernise civil service mechanisms. However, critics warn that the proposals risk entrenching military dominance, reversing decades of democratic struggle and decentralisation.

As Parliament prepares to debate the amendment, Pakistan faces yet another defining moment in its turbulent constitutional history — one that could determine whether the country continues to move toward civilian supremacy or drifts further under uniformed control.

Based On NDTV Report

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'India Is Firmly In Favour Of Free, Fair, Inclusive And Participatory Elections In Bangladesh' Says Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri

India’s Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri, in a press briefing on October 6, 2025, reiterated New Delhi’s commitment to supporting democratic, stable, and progressive relations with Bangladesh. He underlined that India stands firmly for free, fair, inclusive, and participatory elections in Bangladesh and emphasised that these should be held at the earliest possible time.

Misri stated clearly that India welcomes statements by Bangladeshi authorities regarding the election time frame, indicating February 2026 as a possible period. He noted that India looks forward to engaging with any government that emerges with the people’s mandate, reaffirming that New Delhi values constructive engagement irrespective of political transitions in Dhaka.

Elaborating on India’s foreign policy orientation, Misri explained that India’s engagement with Bangladesh is guided by realism, adaptability, and pragmatism. He pointed out that India has maintained consistent communication with both the established authorities and the interim government in Bangladesh. For sustained bilateral progress, he stressed the importance of avoiding statements or actions that could vitiate the atmosphere of trust and cooperation.

Highlighting recent diplomatic efforts, Misri recalled that Prime Minister Narendra Modi was among the first world leaders to congratulate Professor Muhammad Yunus upon his appointment as Chief Advisor of Bangladesh’s Interim Government. He noted that Yunus’s participation in the Voice of Global South Summit reflected continuing goodwill. Misri’s own recent visit to Bangladesh, he said, helped clarify outstanding issues and strengthened mutual understanding.

Misri underscored that the India–Bangladesh partnership is anchored in robust sectoral cooperation, covering border management, river water sharing, trade facilitation, and developmental projects. He pointed out that Bangladesh remains India’s largest partner under concessional finance arrangements, with ongoing development cooperation unaffected by recent political changes.

According to Misri, India attaches the highest importance to peace, progress, and stability in Bangladesh, given the two countries’ shared geography and history. He emphasized that regional stability is a critical objective, as it benefits both nations and the wider South Asian region. The Foreign Secretary described the bilateral economic partnership as “mutually beneficial,” noting that trade and connectivity are key pillars of this relationship.

Misri highlighted India’s efforts to expand bilateral trade, connectivity, and new-age collaboration. He called for greater engagement in fields like startups, technology, healthcare, and clean energy, which are redefining global geopolitics and economics. He stressed that people-centred growth and connectivity—whether physical, financial, or energy-based—should remain at the heart of cooperation.

Looking ahead, Misri remarked that Bangladesh’s expected graduation from Least Developed Country (LDC) status in 2026 presents an opportunity to create more equal and modern trade arrangements. He assured that India is open to fair and balanced trade frameworks and remains the largest Asian importer of Bangladeshi goods, signalling New Delhi’s willingness to further expand imports.

Addressing challenging aspects of the bilateral relationship, the Foreign Secretary acknowledged the existence of unresolved issues but called for pragmatic and forward-looking solutions. He discouraged any blame game, urging both sides to explore practical, workable resolutions. On border-related incidents, Misri noted India’s shared concern and mentioned that several solutions have already been put on the table through bilateral discussions.

In conclusion, Misri articulated a future-oriented narrative for the India–Bangladesh relationship—focused on stability, economic integration, technological collaboration, and people-centric development. He asserted that despite transient challenges, the foundation of bilateral ties remains strong and resilient, with immense potential for deeper cooperation in the years ahead.

Based On ANI Report

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The Undoing of Jinnah’s Pakistan

by Nilesh Kunwar

In June 1948, while addressing officers of the Pakistani armed forces, the country’s founder and first Governor General Muhammad Ali Jinnah asked them to remember that “Do not forget that the armed forces are the servants of the people. You do not make national policy; it is we, the civilians, who decide these issues and it is your duty to carry out these tasks with which you are entrusted.”

As Jinnah was no clairvoyant, it’s evident that the Pakistan army’s lust for power must have been so palpable that just within ten months of the country’s creation he could sense this unhealthy ambition taking roots within the military. This realisation must have come as a big blow to Pakistan’s Quaid-e-Azam (Great Leader) since it violated the very core values of a democracy that he was trying to introduce in Pakistan.

Though Jinnah passed away three months later, his untimely death saved him from witnessing Pakistan degenerate into a country where the army would call the shots- through direct intervention or by propping up compliant governments through rigged elections. And the systematic destruction of Jinnah’s dream unfortunately continues unabated even today.

In 1947, Pakistan’s founder had envisioned that "in course of time Hindus would cease to be Hindus and Muslims would cease to be Muslims, not in the religious sense, because that is the personal faith of each individual, but in the political sense as citizens of the State (Pakistan)."

He went on to add that “You are free; you are free to go to your temples. You are free to go to your mosques or to any other places of worship in this State of Pakistan. You may belong to any religion, caste or creed—that has nothing to do with the business of the state.”

However, even after78 years, one finds that religious minorities in Pakistan continue to live in an environment of fear and uncertainty. A report titled “Situation Analysis of Children from Minority Religions in Pakistan” published just last month by Pakistan’s National Commission on Rights of the Child (NCRC) reveals the pathetic condition of children belonging to religious minorities.

This report takes note of “The worrying trend of systemic discrimination affects every part of the minority population’s daily life, especially their children. Minority children frequently face discrimination from classmates and educators in schools. They also have to deal with curricula that could reinforce negative preconceptions about their religion.”.

Two observations in the NCRC report merit special attention. One, that “Minority populations often express dissatisfaction with the compulsory study of Islamic religious education due to the absence of other options to examine their own perspectives (and) this not only infringes upon their religious freedom but also hinders their academic progress, since they are obligated to study a topic that may not align with their principles.”.

The second revelation that “Such practices (of minority communities being subjected to religious persecution) persist despite existing legal protections because of institutional biases, public pressure, and the poor role of law enforcement agencies” is even more damning as scoffs Jinnah’s assurance to religious minorities in Pakistan that “You may belong to any religion, caste or creed—that has nothing to do with the business of the state.”

Seven years ago, while addressing an event in Lahore to highlight the 100-day achievements of the Punjab government, the country’s then Prime Minister Imran Khan also unveiled his plan for “Naya Pakistan” invoked Jinnah’s vision for Pakistan by announcing that his government would make sure that minorities in Pakistan feel safe. He even went on to say that “We will show the Modi government how to treat minorities…”

While it’s evident that this statement was brazenly a puerile attempt by the cricketer turned politician to embarrass his Indian counterpart, it was tantamount to an official acknowledgement of the fact that minority communities were hapless victims of institutionalised religious persecution in Pakistan.

But Khan isn’t the only Pakistani leader who took the name of the country’s founder in vain.

Five months ago, while addressing the convention of overseas Pakistanis, the country’s army chief Field Marshal Syed Asim Munir too invoked Jinnah’s vision of Pakistan. However, instead of stressing on the positive issue of Hindus ceasing to be Hindus and Muslims ceasing to be Muslims “in the political sense as citizens of the State,” he chose to resurrect the two nation theory by reminding the audience that Muslims are “different from Hindus in every possible aspect of life.”

The newly promoted Field Marshal explained, “Our religion is different. Our customs are different. Our traditions are different. Our thoughts are different. Our ambitions are different…” While this view is factually correct- but then, which two religions are similar? Isn’t Christianity, Sikhism or for that matter any religion as different from Islam as Hinduism is?

So it's amply clear that this Hinduphobic barb was clearly meant to incite anti-India feelings amongst Pakistanis, and it’s no coincidence that just days later, it was for the first time in the more than three-decade long history of terrorism in J&K, that tourists were specifically segregated through religious profiling by Pakistani terrorists before being brutally killed in Pahalgam. So, won’t the Field Marshal’s vitriolic utterance also ignite renewed hatred against the already beleaguered Hindu community in Pakistan?

But Rawalpindi doesn’t care.

Just a decade after Jinnah’s reminder to the army that they were “servants of the people” and not national policy makers, Field Marshal Ayub Khan ‘murdered’ democracy by seizing control of Pakistan. His successor Gen Yahya Khan plunged the country into a war with India that led to Pakistan losing its Eastern wing. Gen Zia ul Haq not only overthrew the government but also orchestrated the execution of a prime minister. He also made the costly blunder of turning Pakistan into a veritable breeding ground for fundamentalist terrorism that still endures.

Gen Pervez Musharraf compromised the country’s sovereignty by entering into a secret deal with the US allowing CIA to carry out drone attacks on Pakistani soil and embarrassed Pakistan by his Kargil intrusion misadventure. And now, Field Marshal Munir has by rigging the 2024 elections and misusing the judiciary to imprison the PTI chief just to keep him out of power pushed Pakistan into a humongous political crisis just to settle personal scores.

But Munir doesn’t seem to be concerned as his barefaced Hinduphobic outlook has worked wonders by diverting public attention from the Pakistan army’s abysmal failure to rein-in the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan terrorists and Sarmachars (guerrillas) in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan provinces respectively as well as the political crisis and allied governance problems bedevilling the country.

The writing on the wall is clear- in Pakistan, religion themed anti-India tirade never goes out of fashion or loses its intensity, and as long as Rawalpindi rules the country there can be no peace between India and Pakistan. Members of the Aman ki Asha (Hope for Peace) club on both sides of the Radcliffe Line should take a serious note of this harsh reality!

Nilesh Kunwar is a retired Indian Army Officer who has served in Jammu & Kashmir, Assam, Nagaland and Manipur. He is a keen ‘Kashmir-Watcher,’ and after retirement is pursuing his favourite hobby of writing for newspapers, journals and think-tanks. Views expressed above are the author's own

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Chinese Junk Fails Again: Chinese Jet FTC-2000G Shot Down In Myanmar By KNDF Resistance Group

A Chinese-made FTC-2000G fighter jet operated by the Myanmar Air Force was shot down and crashed in Kayah State (also known as Karenni), in eastern Myanmar, amid heavy fighting between the military and anti-junta resistance forces. The incident occurred near Hpasawng township, approximately 160 kilometers southeast of the capital, Naypyitaw.

The Karenni Nationalities Defence Force (KNDF), a prominent anti-military resistance group, claimed responsibility for shooting down the jet during intense combat in the area. Maui, the KNDF’s vice commander-in-chief, reported that the wreckage was found on a hillside along with the remains of the two pilots, and shared photos and videos of the site.

Local media and resistance fighters circulated images showing the destroyed aircraft and apparent human remains at the scene.

The Myanmar military, through state-run media, initially reported that a fighter jet had disappeared from radar during long-distance training manoeuvres on Tuesday night, suggesting the loss could have been due to technical failure or bad weather. The military did not specify the aircraft type or mention casualties, but the timeline and location match the KNDF’s account.

The downed aircraft was identified as a two-seater FTC-2000G, a ground-attack jet supplied by China. Myanmar has received at least a dozen of these jets since 2022, using them for close air support and airstrikes against resistance-held areas.

The shoot-down marks a significant blow to the Myanmar military, which relies heavily on air power to counter resistance forces in regions like Kayah, where the army faces strong opposition on the ground.

Most of Myanmar’s combat aircraft are sourced from China or Russia. The FTC-2000G, manufactured by China’s Guizhou Aviation Industry Corporation, is a light multi-role combat and trainer jet capable of carrying up to three tons of ordnance.

The military’s use of airstrikes has been a key advantage in the ongoing civil conflict, but recent losses—including at least four fighter jets and several helicopters since 2021—highlight the growing capability of resistance groups to challenge the junta’s aerial dominance.

The area of Kayah State has seen intense fighting since the 2021 military coup, with the KNDF and allied groups mounting increasingly effective resistance, including seizing army positions and now successfully targeting military aircraft.

The incident underscores concerns about the reliability and vulnerability of Chinese-supplied military equipment, as well as the escalating effectiveness of Myanmar’s resistance forces.

Western nations maintain an arms embargo and have sought to block aviation fuel supplies to the Myanmar military, but China and Russia continue to provide advanced weaponry and aircraft.

The shoot-down of the FTC-2000G fighter jet in Kayah State by resistance forces represents a notable escalation in Myanmar’s civil conflict, demonstrating both the risks faced by the military’s air assets and the increasing capabilities of anti-junta groups.

Agencies

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