Hizb Terrorist Amir-Ul-Azeem’s Mysterious Death Sparks Scrutiny Over Pakistan’s Political-Terror Nexus

Amir-ul-Azeem, Secretary General of Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan and a close associate of Hizbul Mujahideen chief Syed Salahuddin, has died under mysterious circumstances in Lahore.

His funeral, attended by senior political figures and leaders linked to proscribed terrorist organisations, has reignited scrutiny over Pakistan’s alleged nexus between mainstream politics and terror outfits.

Amir-ul-Azeem, born in Lahore in 1958, was a veteran political organiser and strategist who rose through the ranks of Islami Jamiat-e-Talaba before becoming a central figure in Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan.

He earned an MBA from Punjab University and began his activism as Nazim of IJT Lahore, later serving as Nazim-e-Aala of IJT Pakistan.

During General Zia-ul-Haq’s rule, he led the movement for the restoration of student unions, enduring imprisonment while continuing his political struggle.

He later served as President of the Punjab University Students Union and held multiple senior positions in Jamaat-e-Islami, including Emir of Lahore, Emir of Central Punjab, Central Information Secretary, and twice as Secretary General of the party. In 2019, he was appointed Secretary General by then JI Emir Sirajul Haq, and he continued in this role under Hafiz Naeem ur Rehman after 2024.

Despite battling cancer, Amir-ul-Azeem remained active in organisational responsibilities until his final days. His colleagues described him as a man of principle, humility, and discipline, widely respected across political, social, and media circles. He played a frontline role in the Lawyers’ Movement for the restoration of the judiciary and contested the 2002 Punjab Assembly by-election on the platform of the Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal.

His funeral prayers were held at Mansoorah, Lahore, led by JI chief Hafiz Naeem ur Rehman. Thousands attended, including senior Jamaat leaders, political figures, lawyers, journalists, traders, civil society members, and representatives of labour and farmers.

Notably, leaders linked to proscribed terrorist organisations were also present, raising questions about the continuing overlap between Pakistan’s political establishment and extremist networks.

Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif and Punjab Governor Sardar Saleem Haider Khan expressed condolences, describing him as a visionary politician and principled leader.

However, his close association with Hizbul Mujahideen chief Syed Salahuddin has drawn sharp attention from security analysts, who argue that his funeral attendance by figures tied to banned groups underscores Pakistan’s unresolved entanglement with militancy.

Observers note that Jamaat-e-Islami has historically maintained ideological and operational linkages with militant outfits, particularly in Kashmir-related activities. Amir-ul-Azeem’s death, under circumstances described as mysterious despite official claims of cancer, has fuelled speculation about internal rivalries, covert eliminations, or the silencing of figures whose networks straddled politics and militancy.

For India, his demise is being closely monitored as part of the broader pattern of targeted eliminations of Pakistan-based leaders linked to cross-border terrorism. Analysts caution that while the removal of individuals may disrupt organisational structures temporarily, ideological networks and successor figures often emerge to sustain operations.

The incident highlights the persistent ambiguity in Pakistan’s counter-terror narrative, where mainstream political leaders and proscribed organisations continue to share platforms, reinforcing concerns about the state’s dual approach to militancy.

Agencies

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Senior Lashkar Terrorist Mir Shukr Khan Raisani Killed In Quetta, Pakistan By Unknown Gunmen

A senior Lashkar‑e‑Taiba terrorist, Mir Shukr Khan Raisani, has been found dead under mysterious circumstances in Quetta, the capital of Pakistan’s Balochistan province.

Sources confirmed on Tuesday that Raisani, long regarded as a key operative in Lashkar’s recruitment and radicalisation machinery, was targeted and killed by unidentified assailants.

Pakistani authorities have yet to issue an official statement clarifying the circumstances of his death, leaving speculation rife about whether this was the result of internal rivalries, separatist violence, or a covert strike against the group’s leadership.

Raisani’s role within Lashkar was significant. He was considered one of the principal architects of cadre‑building operations in Balochistan, a province already plagued by insurgency and instability. His work focused on identifying vulnerable youth, indoctrinating them, and funnelling them into Lashkar’s militant pipeline.

This made him a crucial link in sustaining the organisation’s manpower base in a region where separatist sentiment and anti‑state violence have long challenged Islamabad’s authority.

As Lashkar evolved and sought to expand its influence beyond militant operations, Raisani was shifted into the political domain.

He served as deputy general secretary for the Quetta region when the group established its political wing, a move widely seen as an attempt to gain legitimacy and embed itself within Pakistan’s socio‑political fabric.

His transition from militant recruiter to political organiser underscored Lashkar’s dual strategy of combining armed jihad with political activism to strengthen its hold.

Notably, Raisani had reportedly participated in a Lashkar‑organised programme in support of the Pakistan Army just a day before his death.

This detail has raised eyebrows among analysts, as it suggests he remained deeply embedded in the group’s outreach efforts and was actively engaged in projecting alignment with state institutions.

His sudden killing immediately after such a public appearance adds to the mystery, fuelling theories of betrayal or targeted elimination.

The killing comes against the backdrop of continuing instability in Balochistan, where separatist violence, militant activity, and targeted assassinations have become frequent occurrences. The province has witnessed repeated attacks on security forces, infrastructure, and political figures, with multiple actors vying for influence.

Raisani’s death fits into this volatile pattern, though no group has claimed responsibility so far. The absence of a claim leaves open the possibility of intra‑organisational purges, rival militant factions settling scores, or external intelligence operations designed to weaken Lashkar’s leadership.

This incident also aligns with the broader trend of targeted assassinations of senior Lashkar‑e‑Taiba leaders across Pakistan in recent years. Figures such as Sheikh Yousuf Afridi, Amir Hamza, Bilal Arif Sarafi, and Ismail Ahmad have all met similar fates, often at the hands of unidentified gunmen operating with military precision.

The cumulative effect has been a steady erosion of Lashkar’s command structure, raising questions about the group’s resilience and its ability to sustain operations in the face of relentless attrition.

For Pakistan, Raisani’s death underscores the fragile security environment in Balochistan and the complex interplay between militant outfits, separatist groups, and state institutions. For India, it represents yet another blow to a terror organisation long accused of orchestrating cross‑border attacks, including the 2008 Mumbai carnage.

The continuing elimination of Lashkar’s senior figures suggests that the group is under sustained pressure, whether from internal fractures or external covert campaigns, and its future trajectory remains uncertain.

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Khalistani Extremists Flagged As Ongoing Security Threat In Canada’s CSIS Intelligence Agency's Report

'Well connected, divert community funds': Canada intelligence report says Khalistani extremists pose national security threat

Canada’s intelligence agency CSIS has formally identified a small group of Canada-based Khalistani extremists as an ongoing national security threat, warning of their involvement in violent activities and fundraising, while simultaneously accusing India of covert interference and transnational repression. 

The report coincides with the 40th anniversary of the Air India Flight 182 bombing, underscoring the enduring relevance of this issue.

Canada’s Security Intelligence Service (CSIS), in its 2025 public report, stated that a limited number of Canada-based Khalistani extremists continue to pose a national security threat to Canada and its interests abroad.

The report emphasised that these individuals are engaged in violent extremist activities, using Canada as a base to promote, fundraise, and plan violence, primarily targeting India. It highlighted that their activities remain a persistent concern despite no CBKE-linked attacks occurring in 2025.

The report noted that some extremists are well connected to Canadian citizens who exploit local institutions to advance their agenda. These individuals raise funds from unsuspecting community members, which are then diverted towards violent activities.

CSIS stressed that this network, though small, is capable of sustaining extremist mobilisation and financing, thereby posing risks both domestically and internationally.

The timing of the report is significant, as Canada marked the 40th anniversary of the 1985 Air India Flight 182 bombing, the deadliest terrorist attack in Canadian history. The attack, carried out by suspects linked to Canada-based Khalistani groups, killed 329 people, most of them Canadian citizens. 

The anniversary served as a reminder of the long-standing threat posed by extremist networks operating from Canadian soil.

CSIS clarified that only a small group of individuals are considered Khalistani extremists, distinguishing them from peaceful advocates. It stated that non-violent campaigning for the creation of a Khalistan state is not extremism.

Many Canadians participate in legitimate and peaceful advocacy, which is recognised as lawful political activity. The agency drew a clear line between violent extremism and non-violent political expression.

Beyond the Khalistani issue, the report also raised concerns about foreign interference. It accused India of engaging in transnational repression and covert influence operations within Canada.

According to CSIS, India has historically cultivated covert ties with Canadian politicians, journalists, and members of the Indo-Canadian community to advance its interests.

The report placed India alongside China, Russia, Iran, and Pakistan as states involved in espionage and interference activities in Canada. However, Canadian authorities recently affirmed that there is no current evidence directly linking India to violent activities on Canadian soil.

The report also highlighted broader geopolitical dynamics, noting that foreign interference has become increasingly aggressive in Canada’s political landscape. It warned that such activities undermine democratic institutions, shape public discourse, and erode trust in electoral processes.

CSIS underscored the need for vigilance against both extremist threats and foreign interference, stressing that Canada’s security environment is becoming more complex and multipolar.

CSIS’s 2025 report underscores the dual challenge Canada faces: managing the persistent threat of a small but active group of Khalistani extremists, while also countering foreign interference from multiple states. The agency’s distinction between violent extremism and peaceful advocacy is crucial in maintaining democratic freedoms while addressing security risks.

WION

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Hizbul Mujahideen Terrorist Leader Ahmed Sajad Found Dead Under Mysterious Circumstances In Islamabad

Hizbul Mujahideen commander Ahmed Sajad, originally from Baramulla, has been found dead under mysterious circumstances in Islamabad.

His sudden demise adds to a growing pattern of targeted killings of Pakistan-based terrorists, raising questions about internal rivalries and the country’s role as a safe haven for such operatives.

Ahmed Sajad, a senior commander of Hizbul Mujahideen, hailed from Palhalan in Baramulla district of Jammu and Kashmir. He had illegally crossed into Pakistan in 1997 for weapons training and remained based there for decades.

From Islamabad, he allegedly coordinated multiple terror activities in Jammu and Kashmir, playing a significant role in sustaining the group’s operations against India.

His death, reported under unclear circumstances, has sparked speculation about whether he was assassinated by unknown gunmen or fell victim to internal disputes among militant factions.

The timing of his death is notable. It comes just days after Sheikh Yusuf Afridi, a senior Lashkar-e-Taiba commander and close associate of Hafiz Saeed, was gunned down in Landi Kotal, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, on 26 April 2026.

Afridi was shot at close range by unidentified assailants, continuing a spate of eliminations of high-profile terrorists inside Pakistan. Around the same period, Abu Sakhar Maqsood Ahmad, another Lashkar operative, also died, with his funeral held in Faisalabad.

These incidents underline the increasing vulnerability of Pakistan-based terrorists, who once operated openly under state patronage.

Reports suggest that Sajad’s death follows a broader trend of targeted killings of anti-India operatives in Pakistan. Figures linked to the IC-814 hijacking, senior Jaish-e-Mohammad leaders, and Lashkar commanders have all been eliminated in recent years.

Just hours before news of Sajad’s demise surfaced, Maulana Salman Azhar, a senior Jaish commander and brother of Masood Azhar, was reportedly killed in Bahawalpur. This sequence of events points to a systematic campaign against militant leaders, though the perpetrators remain unidentified.

The Pakistani establishment has historically sheltered such figures, using them as instruments against India. However, the recent wave of killings highlights growing instability within Pakistan’s militant networks.

Analysts suggest that these eliminations could be the result of internal rivalries, intelligence operations, or external pressure on Pakistan to rein in its terror infrastructure. The lack of transparency from Pakistani authorities further fuels speculation, as details of such incidents are often suppressed.

Ahmed Sajad’s death is particularly significant given his long-standing role in Hizbul Mujahideen. His presence in Pakistan for nearly three decades symbolised the country’s continued support for cross-border terrorism. His elimination, alongside other high-profile figures, may indicate a shift in the operational environment for militants who once enjoyed relative impunity.

The developments also raise questions about the future of Hizbul Mujahideen and other Pakistan-backed outfits. With senior commanders being systematically targeted, their organisational structures face increasing strain. For India, these incidents reaffirm long-standing claims that Pakistan harbours terrorists, while simultaneously exposing cracks in the networks that have fuelled violence in Jammu and Kashmir.

Agencies

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Jaish‑e‑Mohammad Terrorist Maulana Salman Azhar Dies In Mysterious Bahawalpur Hit‑And‑Run

Maulana Salman Azhar, a senior commander of the Pakistan‑backed terror outfit Jaish‑e‑Mohammad, has died under mysterious circumstances in Bahawalpur, Punjab province of Pakistan.

Reports indicate that he was struck by an unidentified vehicle in what appeared to be a hit‑and‑run incident.

The exact cause of death remains unclear, but the event has been described as a road accident involving an ‘unknown’ vehicle. Bahawalpur has long been associated with Jaish‑e‑Mohammad’s presence and operations, making the location of his death particularly significant.

Salman Azhar was deeply involved in the planning of several attacks along India’s borders. He was notorious for delivering venomous speeches against India in Pakistan’s Punjab province, which contributed to the group’s propaganda and recruitment efforts. His role extended beyond rhetoric, as he was considered a key operational figure within Jaish‑e‑Mohammad.

The group itself was founded by Masood Azhar and has been linked to some of the most devastating terror attacks in India.

These include the 2001 Parliament attack, which shook the nation’s political heart, and the 2019 Pulwama suicide bombing, which claimed the lives of 40 Central Reserve Police Force personnel. Salman Azhar’s association with such an outfit underscores his importance within its hierarchy and the threat he posed to regional security.

Salman Azhar's death occurred just two days after the assassination of Sheikh Yusuf Afridi, a senior Lashkar-e-Taiba commander, by unidentified assailants on April 27. As LeT's branch head in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Afridi was killed in a ruthless, professional hit, suffering multiple gunshot wounds and dying instantly at the scene.

His sudden and unexplained death adds to the growing list of mysterious incidents involving senior figures in Pakistan‑based terror organisations. While the circumstances suggest a road accident, the lack of clarity surrounding the event has raised questions about whether it was truly accidental or part of a broader pattern of targeted eliminations.

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Another Targeted Assassination Shake Lashkar‑e‑Taiba Terror Group As Senior Commander Sheikh Yousuf Afridi Shot Dead In Pakistan

Sheikh Yousuf Afridi, a senior commander of the Pakistan‑based terror group Lashkar‑e‑Taiba, has been shot dead by unidentified gunmen in Pakistan’s Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province.

Security sources have described the incident as a targeted assassination, noting that the attackers fired multiple rounds at Afridi, leaving him no chance to escape. Afridi was a close associate of imprisoned LeT founder Hafiz Saeed and was considered a key operational link for the group in the region.

His role reportedly extended to planning, finance, and recruitment networks, making him a significant figure in the organisation’s structure. Investigators in Pakistan are treating the killing as a precision strike, suggesting that the attackers had detailed intelligence about his movements.

The killing adds to a growing list of high‑profile attacks on prominent terrorists in Pakistan in recent months. Last month, Amir Hamza, a founding member and senior LeT figure, was targeted outside a TV station in Lahore.

Though Hamza survived, he was injured, prompting a security clampdown in the city. Earlier, Muhammad Tahir Anwar, elder brother of Jaish‑e‑Mohammed chief Maulana Masood Azhar, died under mysterious circumstances.

Anwar was regarded as a senior ideologue and facilitator within the outfit, with direct involvement in cross‑border operations and recruitment. In March last year, Abu Qatal, also known as Qatal Sindhi, another close aide of Hafiz Saeed, was killed by unidentified gunmen in Jhelum, Sindh. He was alleged to be the mastermind behind the 2024 Reasi attack in Jammu and Kashmir, which left nine people dead and 33 injured.

Security analysts point to a clear pattern of targeted killings since 2023, when at least seven prominent terrorists linked to Lashkar‑e‑Taiba and Hizbul Mujahideen were eliminated over seven months. Many of these operations took place in major cities such as Lahore, Karachi, and Rawalpindi, often in residential or semi‑urban areas.

In 2026 alone, open‑source defence and intelligence assessments suggest that at least 30 terrorists and mid‑level operatives associated with LeT, Hizbul Mujahideen, and other Pakistan‑based outfits have been targeted by unidentified gunmen. Those eliminated ranged from senior planners and financiers to facilitators and trainers, several of whom had links to past attacks in Jammu and Kashmir and the 26/11 Mumbai assault.

Analysts argue that the string of killings indicates internal fractures, rivalries among militant factions, or the involvement of rival state or non‑state actors targeting elements that Pakistan finds difficult to prosecute openly.

Some experts speculate that parts of Pakistan’s own security‑intelligence apparatus may be indirectly enabling or ignoring these eliminations, while the state maintains a formal stance of cracking down on terrorism.

The repeated targeting of LeT figures has raised questions about the long‑term stability of the group’s command structure and whether such assassinations will disrupt cross‑border attacks or drive the organisation further underground.

For Indian security agencies, the spree of killings inside Pakistan is being closely monitored as a possible indicator of shifting power dynamics among terror networks.

Officials, however, caution that the elimination of a few commanders does not necessarily reduce the risk of terror attacks, as successor networks and ideology can quickly fill the vacuum.

Agencies

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Nikhil Gupta Bolsters Defence With Top US Trial Lawyers Ahead of Sentencing For Alleged Khalistani Terrorist Pannun's Hit

Nikhil Gupta, who has pleaded guilty in a United States federal court in connection with the alleged plot targeting Khalistani separatist Gurpatwant Singh Pannun, has engaged a high-powered New York legal team as his case moves into the crucial sentencing phase, reported Sunday Guardian Live.

Court filings reveal that Isabelle A. Kirshner entered an appearance on 6 April, followed by Brian David Linder on 7 April, both as retained counsel. The two are senior partners at Clayman, Rosenberg, Kirshner & Linder LLP, a prominent New York white-collar defence firm with deep expertise in federal criminal litigation.

Nikhil Gupta has engaged two of the most experienced trial lawyers in the United States to represent him during the sentencing phase of his case. The decision underscores the seriousness with which his defence team is approaching this critical stage, even after his guilty plea earlier this year.

Kirshner, a veteran trial lawyer, brings decades of experience in complex criminal litigation. Her career began as an Assistant District Attorney in Manhattan, and she has since established herself as a leading figure in white-collar defence.

Her practice has encompassed fraud, racketeering, and other serious federal matters. She is ranked among the top tier of New York practitioners and is a fellow of the American College of Trial Lawyers, a distinction reserved for a select group of leading trial attorneys.

Linder, another senior figure at the same firm, adds more than thirty years of litigation expertise. His work has spanned criminal and regulatory matters, including fraud and financial crime.

Recognised by legal directories for his courtroom strength and strategic approach, he is regarded as a seasoned practitioner in federal defence work. Together, their involvement signals a significant escalation in Gupta’s legal strategy.

Gupta entered a guilty plea on 13 February 2026, formally admitting to charges of murder-for-hire, conspiracy to commit murder-for-hire, and conspiracy to commit money laundering.

This plea has narrowed the court’s focus exclusively to sentencing, removing any dispute over guilt and placing emphasis on how the admitted conduct will be interpreted under federal sentencing rules.

Under the United States Sentencing Guidelines, sentencing is often highly contested. Although Gupta faces a statutory maximum of forty years, the actual sentence will depend on a technical assessment of offence levels, statutory factors under Section 3553(a), and disputes over relevant conduct.

These factors can significantly affect sentencing exposure, making the defence’s arguments for leniency crucial.

Gupta is scheduled to be sentenced on 29 May before U.S. District Judge Victor Marrero. The engagement of such a senior defence team at this stage reflects the importance of the sentencing phase, where the outcome will hinge not on guilt, but on how effectively the defence can shape the interpretation of Gupta’s conduct and argue for a reduced sentence.

Sunday Guardian Live

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JeM Terrorist Masood Azhar’s Brother Dies In Pakistan Amid Mystery Surrounding Cause

Mohammad Tahir Anwar, the elder brother of Jaish-e-Mohammed chief Masood Azhar, has died in Pakistan under circumstances that remain unclear, reported NDTV.

The banned terrorist organisation confirmed his death through its official channel, announcing that his funeral would take place at Jamia Masjid Usman Wali in Bahawalpur. No details have been released regarding the cause of death, which has added to the air of mystery surrounding the incident.

Anwar was one of Azhar’s five brothers and played a significant role in the operations of Jaish-e-Mohammed. His death marks another blow to the group’s leadership structure, which has faced repeated setbacks in recent years due to targeted strikes and international pressure.

The timing and secrecy around his passing have inevitably drawn speculation, though no official explanation has been offered.

Masood Azhar himself has previously claimed that India’s Operation Sindoor, conducted in retaliation for the Pahalgam terror attack, killed ten of his family members and four aides. According to Azhar, those killed in the airstrikes on JeM’s Bahawalpur headquarters included his elder sister, her husband, several nieces and nephews, and five children. He described their deaths as a “blessing” and expressed no regret, framing them as martyrs in his extremist narrative.

Azhar, listed as an international terrorist by the United Nations Security Council, has long been associated with some of the deadliest attacks in India.

His involvement spans the 2001 Parliament attack, the 2008 Mumbai attacks, the 2016 Pathankot assault, and the 2019 Pulwama bombing. His arrest in India in 1994 and subsequent release following the IC 814 hijacking remains one of the most controversial episodes in South Asia’s counterterrorism history.

The death of Anwar, therefore, is not just a family matter but one with wider implications for the group’s internal cohesion and its operational capacity.

While the cause of death remains undisclosed, the development underscores the continuing fragility of Jaish-e-Mohammed’s leadership and the persistent shadow of conflict in the region.

NDTV

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Blood In The Sanctum: LeT Terror Group Commander Bilal Salafi Assassinated Inside Muridke Headquarters

Unidentified gunmen assassinated Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) commander Bilal Arif Salafi inside the terror group's fortified Markaz Taiba headquarters in Muridke, Pakistan, mere moments after Eid ul-Fitr prayers concluded on Saturday.

Reports indicate Salafi, a key operational figure within LeT's hierarchy, was shot multiple times and stabbed repeatedly in the brazen attack, succumbing to his injuries on the spot amid scenes of pandemonium.

Purported videos circulating on social media captured the horror: Salafi sprawled injured on the ground, bloodied and motionless, as panicked worshippers and LeT affiliates scattered in terror from the heart of the sprawling complex.

Markaz Taiba, sprawling over hundreds of acres near Lahore, serves as LeT's primary training hub and ideological centre, making the location's breach all the more audacious for the assailants.

The timing—immediately post-Eid prayers—suggests meticulous planning, exploiting the post-festivity gatherings to infiltrate and strike with lethal precision.

Salafi, known by his nom de guerre, commanded LeT's elite strike units, overseeing cross-border operations targeting India, including orchestrating attacks in Jammu and Kashmir.

Pakistan authorities have yet to issue an official statement, but local sources describe a heavy security lockdown around Muridke, with LeT cadres sealing off access roads.

Speculation swirls over the perpetrators: some fingers point to rival Jihadist factions like Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), amid escalating turf wars; others whisper of Indian intelligence involvement, given Salafi's role in high-profile strikes.

LeT, founded in the late 1980s with backing from Pakistan's ISI, has long been designated a terrorist outfit by the UN, US, and India for its role in the 2008 Mumbai attacks that claimed 166 lives.

This killing echoes past intra-militant vendettas in Pakistan, such as the 2022 assassination of al-Qaeda's Ayman al-Zawahiri in Kabul, highlighting fractures within the jihadist ecosystem.

For India, Salafi's demise disrupts LeT's infiltration networks along the Line of Control, potentially curtailing near-term terror plots in the Kashmir Valley.

Analysts caution, however, that such vacuum-filling could see LeT hardliners elevate more radical successors, perpetuating the cycle of violence.

Eyewitness accounts describe two to three assailants, masked and armed with silenced pistols and knives, who melted into the crowds post-attack before security could react.

Social media erupted with unverified footage, amplifying the incident's reach and fuelling conspiracy theories across South Asian digital forums.

Pakistan's counter-terrorism apparatus faces scrutiny: Muridke's porous security at a terror epicentre raises questions about state complicity or incompetence.

As Eid celebrations turned to mourning within LeT ranks, the assassination underscores the precarious fault lines in Pakistan's jihadist underbelly, with ripple effects for regional stability.

Indian defence circles monitored the event closely, viewing it as a tactical win against a perennial adversary, though official Delhi commentary remains muted.

The coming days will likely reveal more through LeT's retaliatory rhetoric or Pakistani probes, but for now, Salafi's blood stains the very sanctum of his ideological fortress.

Agencies

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Russian Intel Triggers NIA Arrest of US National, Six Ukrainians

Russian intelligence has played a pivotal role in a significant counter-terrorism operation by India's National Investigation Agency (NIA), reported Hindustan Times. Authorities arrested a US national, Mathew Aaron VanDyke, alongside six Ukrainian citizens on 13 March 2026 at airports in Delhi, Lucknow, and Kolkata. This action stemmed from intelligence shared by Russian counterparts regarding the suspects' illicit activities.

The group stands accused of multiple trips to Myanmar since 2024. They allegedly supplied drones and jamming equipment to ethnic armed groups opposing the Myanmar junta. Furthermore, the suspects are said to have provided training in drone warfare, operations, assembly, and jamming technologies.

Indian agencies entered Myanmar illegally via Mizoram, bypassing required Restricted Area Permits (RAP) or Protected Area Permits (PAP). From Guwahati, they travelled overland into the restricted border region. The NIA's court submission highlights that these activities targeted groups known to support terror organisations and gangs operating within India.

A Delhi court remanded the seven individuals—VanDyke, Maksym Honcharuk, Petro Hubra, Sukmanovskyi Ivan, Stefankiv Marian, Slyviak Taras, and Kaminskyi Viktor—to NIA custody until 27 March. During interrogation, they reportedly admitted to conducting such training on multiple occasions. They also confessed to illegally importing substantial drone consignments from Europe through India for use by these Myanmar-based groups.

The NIA had been tracking the suspects in India's north-east for nearly three months prior to the arrests. Officials now seek to identify accomplices who aided their travel into Mizoram and across the border. The six Ukrainians formed part of a larger group of 14 that entered Myanmar; investigations continue to determine the whereabouts of the remaining eight, who may still be there or have exited via India.

Ukrainian officials have voiced concerns over due process. They emphasise the need for the arrested nationals to have been presented before a judge within 24 hours of detention, informed of charges in Ukrainian, and granted consular access. An Indian lawyer representing the Ukrainians withdrew from the case on 16 March, citing professional exigencies. Ukraine's ambassador, Oleksandr Polishchuk, has offered cooperation, urging an objective probe with Ukrainian experts under the 2003 mutual legal assistance treaty.

The US Embassy acknowledges awareness of VanDyke's detention but has provided no further details. Notably, no consular access request has been made for the American citizen. US Ambassador Sergio Gor recently met National Security Advisor Ajit Doval, discussing security and geopolitical matters, though VanDyke's case remains unconfirmed as a topic.

VanDyke, from Baltimore, describes himself on his website as a former soldier, international businessman, and war correspondent who unsuccessfully sought CIA employment. He founded Sons of Liberty International, a military contracting firm. Mizoram Chief Minister Lalduhoma previously raised alarms in March 2025 about nearly 2,000 foreigners entering the state between June and December 2024, many bypassing tourist protocols to cross into Myanmar for arms training, including UK and US nationals.

This episode unfolds amid strained regional dynamics. Myanmar's ethnic armed groups challenge the junta, with spill over risks to India's north-eastern security. The Russian tip-off underscores deepening intelligence ties between Moscow and New Delhi, particularly as India navigates relations with Ukraine and the US.

The NIA spokesperson refrained from specifics, noting the investigation's early stage. Ukrainian sources stress no evidence of crimes has been shared with them, insisting on transparency to avoid manipulation. They affirm no official Ukrainian sanction for such activities, especially as bilateral ties with India aim for strategic partnership elevation, per 2024 leaders' statements. Ukraine maintains no contacts with Myanmar's junta since its 2021 takeover.

HT

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‘Reflect On Attacks On Hindu Temples In US’; India Slams 'Biased' US Commission Over Proposed Sanctions On RAW And RSS

The Indian government has issued a sharp rebuttal following a provocative report from a United States federal commission that suggested designating India as a 'Country of Particular Concern'.

This recommendation, stemming from the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF), alleges that the nation has engaged in systematic and egregious violations of religious liberties throughout 2025.

In a significant escalation of rhetoric, the commission’s 2026 Annual Report proposed targeted sanctions against high-profile Indian entities. These include the Research and Analysis Wing (R&AW), India's external intelligence agency, and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS).

The proposed measures involve freezing assets and imposing entry bans on individuals associated with these organisations.

The Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) was quick to dismiss the findings, describing the commission’s characterisation of India as both motivated and biased. Spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal stated that the USCIRF has consistently relied on questionable sources and ideological narratives to present a distorted view of the country's domestic affairs, thereby undermining its own credibility.

New Delhi further criticised the commission for what it termed "selective targeting," suggesting that the USCIRF should instead focus on issues within the United States.

The MEA highlighted a rise in vandalism against Hindu temples and the intimidation of the Indian diaspora on American soil as matters that warrant more urgent and serious attention from US officials.

Beyond individual sanctions, the USCIRF report suggested that the US government should link future security assistance and bilateral trade policies to measurable improvements in religious freedom. This approach seeks to use economic and military cooperation as leverage to influence India's internal legislative and judicial processes.

The commission also urged the US Congress to pass legislation specifically aimed at tracking "transnational repression." This act would require annual reports on alleged efforts by the Indian government to target religious minorities living abroad, particularly those residing within the United States.

According to the USCIRF's assessment, religious freedom in India deteriorated over the last year due to the introduction of new laws targeting minority houses of worship. The report specifically pointed to various states strengthening anti-conversion legislation and implementing harsher prison sentences as evidence of a worsening environment for religious pluralism.

By rejecting the report in its entirety, the Indian government has reaffirmed its stance that international bodies often misinterpret local legal frameworks. The Centre remains firm that its legislative actions are within the constitutional rights of a sovereign nation and that the USCIRF's recommendations are an interference in its internal governance.

ANI

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US-Israel-Iran Clash: India's Urgent Call To Ditch Import Dependence And Forge True Strategic Autonomy

The escalating US-Israel-Iran war serves as a stark reminder for India to reassess its national security posture.

As the fourth-largest economy and military power, India cannot afford to depend excessively on foreign entities for its defence and energy needs. In a world where raw power often trumps diplomacy, New Delhi must urgently diminish its vulnerabilities, bolster its capacities, and expand its capabilities.

The United States has surged its premier warships into the Middle East to confront Iran amid the intensifying conflict.

President Donald Trump, invoking a 'might is right' approach, first applied it in Venezuela in January and now alongside Israel against Iran. Russia has employed similar tactics in Ukraine since February 2022, while China has exerted strong-arm pressure on Taiwan for over a decade.

Ukraine's clash with Moscow has ensnared Europe, much like Iran's disruptions to commercial shipping in the Persian Gulf have ignited a global energy crisis.

This has turned the Middle East and beyond into unintended casualties of Tehran's strategy. The conflict underscores how regional wars can cascade into worldwide disruptions, hitting import-dependent nations hardest.

Past Indian governments' short-sightedness is glaringly apparent. The US and Russia enjoy energy security, and rising China has locked in supplies via pipelines and long-term deals. India, however, remains exposed as a major importer of oil, LNG, LPG, and fertilisers, shackled by its historical commitment to peace, non-alignment, and ideals like 'Aman ki Aasha'.

Compounding this is India's lack of original equipment manufacturing for critical defence platforms. The armed forces lean towards imports from Russia, France, Israel, and the US, as public sector undertakings (PSUs) dawdle interminably. By the time indigenous systems arrive, the technology is often obsolete.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi has tirelessly championed 'Aatmanirbhar Bharat' and indigenous platforms. Yet, reliance on imported hardware and standoff weapons persists. A deep-seated mistrust festers between the civilian-military bureaucracy and the domestic defence sector, prompting a preference for the safest, foreign options.

With India's stature as the fourth-largest economy and military, it ill behoves the nation to outsource core security needs—be it military manufacturing, external intelligence, or science and technology—to third parties. Energy security demands equal urgency.

Bureaucratic hurdles further stifle progress, burdening entrepreneurs with excessive compliances. Before solutions can emerge, India must clarify its grand strategic objective. Strategic autonomy rings hollow without tangible execution.

The Indian bureaucracy, including diplomats, still filters Modi government policies through outdated lenses: anti- or pro-US, Russia, or China. Rooted in non-alignment, socialism, and moral crusades like the Palestinian cause, many officials recoil from power's harsh realities. India's emergence as an independent major power discomforts these entrenched interests, who often serve as conduits for foreign lobbies.

The US-Israel-Iran war lays bare this dynamic: all protagonists pursue self-interest, heedless of others' energy requirements. Iran's strikes on civilian vessels and the US-Israeli barrages have pushed the world to the brink. India faces oil price spikes and supply threats, magnifying its import woes.

This crisis demands a governance overhaul. New Delhi must dismantle bureaucratic inertia to vault into global leadership. Mediocrity yields no rewards in the high-stakes arena of international power.

India's military modernisation hinges on accelerating indigenous production. DRDO and PSUs must slash development timelines through public-private partnerships. Private firms like Tata Advanced Systems and Larsen & Toubro have shown promise in missiles and artillery; scaling these is imperative.

Energy diversification is equally critical. Investments in renewables, nuclear power, and strategic reserves must surge. Long-term deals with Russia, the UAE, and Africa, alongside domestic exploration in the Andamans and Krishna-Godavari basin, can mitigate risks.

Reforming procurement processes will curb import addiction. Positive indigenisation lists must expand, with penalties for repeated foreign sourcing. The armed forces need incentives to prioritise home-grown gear, backed by rigorous testing.

Bureaucratic reform requires slashing red tape. Single-window clearances for defence start-ups and tax breaks for R&D can unleash innovation. Integrating AI, hypersonics, and quantum tech into platforms demands agile decision-making.

Externally, India must recalibrate alliances. Quad partnerships with the US, Japan, and Australia offer tech transfers, but without compromising autonomy. Ties with Russia for S-400s and France for Rafales should evolve into co-production.

Intelligence overhaul is vital. RAW and military intelligence must enhance space-based surveillance and cyber capabilities, reducing reliance on foreign intel-sharing prone to geopolitical whims.

The US-Israel-Iran war, erupting in early 2026, mirrors potential Indo-Pacific flashpoints. China's aggression in the South China Sea and Pakistan's proxy threats demand proactive deterrence. India cannot wait for crises to spur change.

Global precedents abound. Israel's self-reliance in drones and missiles, despite its size, stems from necessity. South Korea transformed import dependence into export prowess through chaebol-DRDO like models.

India's private sector, with HAL, BEL, and emerging players, holds untapped potential. Atmanirbharta succeeds only with trust and execution. The bureaucracy's moral posturing must yield to pragmatic power projection.

As energy markets convulse—Iran's Hormuz chokepoint antics spiking Brent crude past $120 per barrel—India's 85% oil import reliance bites hard. Refineries strain, inflation looms, and the rupee weakens.

India’s vulnerability to external supply shocks is evident in both agriculture and defence. Fertiliser imports from the Gulf faltering threaten kharif crops, echoing the humiliation of the 1973 oil crisis when India had to plead for aid.

Similarly, dependence on foreign defence equipment exposes fault lines: Rafale jet delays, risks of sanctions on the S-400, and the slow maturation of indigenous TEJAS fighters all highlight how a sudden conflict with Pakistan or China could sever critical supplies overnight. These examples underscore the strategic necessity of self-reliance to avoid external leverage over India’s core security and economic needs.

Doctrinal clarity is essential for navigating this landscape. India must shed the baggage of non-alignment and instead embrace a multi-aligned posture—engaging with all major powers without falling into subservience.

This realist approach requires a governance reboot at the highest levels. Empowering the Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) and establishing integrated theatre commands would streamline military decision-making. Civil services reform, through lateral entry and performance audits, would inject accountability and expertise into the bureaucracy, ensuring that national security and strategic planning are not hampered by inertia.

At the same time, building an entrepreneurial defence ecosystem is critical. Policies such as raising FDI limits to 74%, offering export incentives, and encouraging venture capital for start-ups like ideaForge drones create fertile ground for innovation. India must also achieve parity in emerging domains like space and cyber.

ISRO’s GISAT and Gaganyaan missions pave the way for technological leadership, while the Defence Space Agency should spearhead ballistic missile defence (BMD) and anti-satellite (ASAT) capabilities. Together, these reforms and initiatives would enable India to secure its sovereignty, strengthen deterrence, and project power in a multipolar world.

In the end, the US-Israel-Iran war is India's wake-up call. Strategic autonomy demands action, not rhetoric. Forge ahead, or risk the pack's rear.

Agencies

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Bangladesh Intelligence Chief's Low-Key India Visit For High-Level Meetings With RAW Chief, DGMI Signals Security Thaw

India and Bangladesh are quietly rebuilding their security ties amid efforts to normalise relations following recent political turbulence in Dhaka, reported Hindustan Times.

A senior Bangladeshi military intelligence official, Maj Gen Kaiser Rashid Chowdhury, visited New Delhi late last month for high-level meetings with key Indian counterparts.

Chowdhury, freshly promoted to head the Directorate General of Forces Intelligence (DGFI) on 22 February as part of a major shake-up in the Bangladesh Army's hierarchy, arrived in the Indian capital shortly afterwards.

His trip coincided with an annual security conclave held on the margins of the Raisina Dialogue, hosted by India's National Security Council Secretariat since 2022.

During the visit, Chowdhury engaged in bilateral discussions with National Security Adviser Ajit Doval and the Director General of Military Intelligence, Lt Gen RS Raman. He was also hosted for a private dinner by Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) chief Parag Jain, underscoring the discreet nature of these engagements.

No official readouts were issued by the Indian side regarding the conclave or the bilateral meetings. These marked the first such high-level security interactions since the BNP-led government under Prime Minister Tarique Rahman assumed power following Bangladesh's general election last month.

The meetings are viewed as a step towards mending ties strained during the interim government headed by Muhammad Yunus. Discussions reportedly centred on reviving dormant communication channels—suspended since the ouster of Sheikh Hasina's administration in August 2024—and measures to prevent either nation's territory from being exploited by anti-bilateral interests.

On the Bangladeshi side, Chowdhury's visit remained entirely under wraps. Some local media speculated he had travelled to New Delhi for medical reasons, highlighting the low profile maintained by Dhaka.

Bangladeshi reports on Monday linked the visit to the arrest in West Bengal of two Bangladeshi nationals accused in the murder of radical student leader Sharif Osman Hadi. Hadi succumbed in a Singapore hospital on 18 December, a week after being shot in Dhaka.

The arrestees, Faisal Karim Masud (37) and Alamgir Hossain (34), were detained by Kolkata Police. Bangladesh's deputy high commission in Kolkata confirmed it had been notified and requested consular access.

Segments of Bangladeshi media, citing the Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR) directorate, attributed the arrests to intelligence shared by Bangladesh with Indian authorities. However, sources from both nations cautioned against directly linking the detentions to Chowdhury's trip, describing them as part of broader cooperation efforts.

India has signalled urgency in repairing ties with the BNP regime. National Security Adviser Doval maintained contact with Khalilur Rahman, now Bangladesh's foreign minister, during the transition.

External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar met BNP leader Tarique Rahman in Dhaka on 31 December last year, attending the funeral of Rahman's mother, former premier Khaleda Zia. Jaishankar also delivered a personal letter from Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

India's presence at Rahman's inauguration last month included Lok Sabha Speaker Om Birla and Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri, further indicating Delhi's commitment to engagement.

These developments reflect a pragmatic approach by both sides to stabilise security relations, potentially paving the way for deeper collaboration on shared concerns like border management and counter-terrorism.

Hindustan Times

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MHA Bags ₹2.55 Lakh Cr in Budget; Intelligence Bureau Allocation Surges 68%

The Union Budget 2026-27, presented by Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman, marks a significant escalation in funding for the Ministry of Home Affairs, allotting over ₹2.55 lakh crore—a robust 9.44 per cent increase from the ₹2.33 lakh crore budgeted in 2025-26. This enhanced provision underscores the government's unwavering commitment to national security amid evolving internal and border threats.

A substantial ₹1.73 lakh crore, constituting approximately 68 per cent of the MHA's total allocation, has been earmarked specifically for 'Police' functions. These funds will strengthen intelligence operations, paramilitary forces, and border security infrastructure, reflecting a strategic prioritisation of internal stability and frontier defence.

The Intelligence Bureau (IB), India's premier internal intelligence agency, receives the most dramatic hike: ₹6,782.43 crore for 2026-27, a staggering 63 per cent surge from the ₹4,159.1 crore in the previous year's revised estimates.

This infusion supports administrative expenses for gathering and analysing intelligence on internal threats, terrorism, and security risks, enabling the IB to counter sophisticated subversive activities more effectively.

Among the Central Armed Police Forces (CAPFs), the Indo-Tibetan Border Police (ITBP) emerges as the top beneficiary with ₹11,324.08 crore—a 14.7 per cent rise over the ₹9,868.85 crore from last year's revised figures.

Guarding India's high-altitude Himalayan frontier with China, the ITBP's allocation includes ₹225.80 crore in capital outlay for machinery, equipment, and motor vehicles, vital for operations in extreme terrains.

The Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF), the largest CAPF deployed for internal security, anti-terror operations in Jammu and Kashmir, Naxal combat, and north-eastern insurgencies, has been granted ₹38,517.9 crore—a modest 3.39 per cent increase from ₹37,251.48 crore. This sustains its role in maintaining law and order across volatile regions.

The Border Security Force (BSF), responsible for over 6,000 km of borders with Pakistan and Bangladesh alongside internal duties, secures ₹29,567.64 crore, with negligible variation from prior estimates. An additional ₹95 crore targets its Air Wing for aircraft, river boats, and helicopter-bases, enhancing rapid response capabilities.

Other CAPFs show incremental gains: Sashastra Seema Bal (SSB) at ₹10,984.51 crore for Nepal-Bhutan borders; Central Industrial Security Force (CISF) at ₹15,973.85 crore for critical infrastructure like airports, nuclear plants, and metros; and Assam Rifles at ₹8,796.68 crore for the Myanmar frontier.

Delhi Police's allocation stands at ₹12,503.65 crore, up 0.78 per cent from ₹12,405.70 crore, funding traffic networks, communication upgrades, training, and technology integration in the National Capital Region. In contrast, the Special Protection Group (SPG) sees a slight dip to ₹499.99 crore from ₹519.60 crore, still ensuring Z-plus security for the Prime Minister and Protectees.

Jammu and Kashmir Police, now under central oversight, benefits from ₹9,925.50 crore—a 9.1 per cent uplift—covering law enforcement, order maintenance, and traffic management in the Union Territory. This aligns with broader efforts to stabilise the region post-reorganisation.

Modernisation receives focused attention: ₹450.54 crore for state police forces and the Crime and Criminal Tracking Network and Systems (CCTNS), alongside ₹3,610.80 crore for Security Related Expenditure (SRE) and Special Infrastructure in Left Wing Extremist (LWE) areas. The latter supports the March 31 deadline to eradicate Naxalism, intensifying counter-insurgency infrastructure.

Border and police infrastructure allocations total ₹5,576.51 crore and ₹5,393.37 crore respectively, encompassing CAPF buildings, narcotics control aid to states, and ₹343.66 crore for CAPF modernisation. Women's safety schemes garner ₹889.05 crore, while prison upgrades receive ₹300 crore.

The Vibrant Villages program, aimed at developing border hamlets, gets ₹350 crore for phase one and ₹300 crore for phase two, bolstering frontier demographics against adversarial influences. Autonomous bodies like the Land Port Authority, National Forensic Science University, and Rashtriya Raksha University share ₹665.40 crore.

Union Territory funding highlights Jammu and Kashmir's ₹43,290.29 crore (up 4.7 per cent), including hydropower projects like 624 MW Kiru HEP and 540 MW Kwar HEP on the Chenab, plus the Jhelum Tavi Flood Recovery Project for disaster resilience. Delhi receives ₹1,348 crore (8.53 per cent increase) for riot victim compensation, water infrastructure, and disaster funds.

Smaller UTs are adequately provisioned: Andaman and Nicobar Islands at ₹6,680.94 crore; Chandigarh at ₹5,720.17 crore; Dadra and Nagar Haveli & Daman and Diu at ₹2,832.70 crore; Ladakh at  ₹4,869.31 crore; Lakshadweep at ₹1,682.35 crore; and Puducherry at ₹3,517.88 crore.

Finally, ₹6,000 crore facilitates Census operations, with phase one slated for April 1, compensating for pandemic delays since 2020-21. This comprehensive outlay signals a fortified security posture, blending intelligence augmentation, border fortification, and internal stability measures.

Based On PTI Report

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India, Canada Resume Intelligence Sharing And Cooperation

India and Canada have resumed intelligence sharing and cooperation, marking a significant step in rebuilding trust and enhancing security ties between the two nations.

This renewed engagement comes amid increasing momentum in bilateral relations, particularly in the domain of security and law enforcement.

The ongoing dialogue is led by the National Security Advisers of both countries. Recently, Canada’s National Security and Intelligence Adviser Nathalie G Drouin visited New Delhi, where she met with India’s National Security Adviser Ajit Doval in September.

Following her return to Ottawa, Drouin described the meeting as productive, highlighting that it established clear channels of communication for discussing mutual concerns.

In Ottawa, India’s High Commissioner to Canada, Dinesh Patnaik, met with Canada’s Minister of Public Safety, Gary Anandasangaree, last week. During this meeting, they discussed shared priorities concerning security and law enforcement cooperation. Patnaik emphasised the importance of exploring new avenues for collaboration and strengthening existing engagement mechanisms between the two countries.

The security dialogue operates on two main fronts. One involves cooperation between the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) and India's National Investigation Agency (NIA). These agencies maintain ongoing virtual discussions focused on areas such as intelligence sharing and operational coordination.

Notably, RCMP Commissioner Mike Duheme accompanied Drouin on the official visit to India, subsequently stressing the need for continued and enhanced bilateral collaboration in law enforcement.

A senior Indian official described the dialogue as covering a broad agenda, including sharing information related to gangs, terrorist links, weapons movements, and drug trafficking. While there is an active effort to achieve coordination and interoperability between agencies, the primary objective remains building trust through sustained and regular engagement.

This rebuilding effort follows a significant diplomatic strain triggered in September 2023, when Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau stated in the House of Commons that credible allegations linked Indian agents with the killing of pro-Khalistan activist Hardeep Singh Nijjar in Surrey, British Columbia. India categorically dismissed these allegations as baseless and politically motivated, leading to a frost in bilateral security cooperation.

Despite the previous tensions, Canadian law enforcement continues to be concerned about the rising number of violent incidents linked to extortion gangs, notably the Lawrence Bishnoi group. Recent developments include the announcement by the British Columbia Extortion Task Force that a 21-year-old, Avtar Singh, was charged in connection with a shooting at a residence in Surrey on 12 November. He was arrested on 5 December, illustrating ongoing public safety challenges that are a focus of the Indo-Canadian security dialogue.

The renewed efforts in intelligence sharing and law enforcement cooperation between India and Canada are aimed at addressing common security challenges while reaffirming mutual respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity. Through these engagements, both countries hope to enhance safety for their citizens and foster a stable, cooperative bilateral relationship.

Agencies

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