India And Vietnam To Celebrate 'Friendship Year' In 2027, Strengthen Strategic Partnership At 19th Joint Commission Meeting

India and Vietnam have agreed to designate 2027 as the 'Year of India-Vietnam Friendship' to commemorate the 55th anniversary of their diplomatic relations.

This decision was formalised during the 19th Joint Commission Meeting on Trade, Economic, Scientific and Technological Cooperation held in New Delhi between External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar and Vietnam’s Foreign Minister Le Hoai Trung.

Le Hoai Trung arrived in the capital on Saturday while attending the 18th BRICS Summit under India’s chairship. The Ministry of External Affairs recalled that Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s discussions with Vietnamese President and Communist Party General Secretary To Lam during his state visit in May 2025 had provided renewed impetus to the bilateral relationship.

The Joint Commission Meeting was described as productive and outcome-oriented, with both sides reviewing the full spectrum of engagement under the Enhanced Comprehensive Strategic Partnership. Defence and security cooperation was a central theme, with ministers identifying pathways for deeper collaboration, including co-production of Indian defence equipment.

On the economic front, talks focused on expanding trade, investments, and resilient supply chains. Vietnam agreed to address market access issues for Indian pharmaceuticals, marine products, and agricultural goods. Both countries also committed to strengthening financial, port, and air connectivity while exploring new opportunities in space exploration and nuclear energy.

Cultural and people-to-people ties were emphasised, with both delegations noting the growing popularity of Yoga in Vietnam. They pledged joint heritage conservation efforts, agreed on cooperation regarding standards for seafarers, and welcomed Vietnam’s active role in India’s Indo-Pacific Oceans Initiative.

The ministers also exchanged views on regional and global developments, reaffirming their commitment to close coordination in multilateral forums. Vietnam’s role as a key pillar of India’s Act East Policy was highlighted, with satisfaction expressed over the growing trajectory of the partnership anchored in civilisational links.

The two sides agreed to convene the next Joint Commission Meeting at a mutually convenient date. During the meeting, Le Hoai Trung praised India’s leadership at the BRICS Summit, attributing its successful outcome to New Delhi’s proactive diplomacy. He congratulated India for guiding the summit to a meaningful consensus and a substantive declaration.

EAM Jaishankar noted that bilateral ties had progressed significantly since the last Joint Commission Meeting three years ago. He highlighted two important state visits from Vietnam, including the most recent by President To Lam, which elevated ties to an Enhanced Comprehensive Strategic Partnership. He stressed that the 19th JCM provided an opportunity to translate political momentum into tangible outcomes for the people.

EAM Jaishankar further underlined Vietnam’s importance in India’s Act East Policy and its role in the broader ASEAN framework. He thanked Prime Minister Le Minh Hung for his participation in the BRICS Summit, which was held under India’s chairship.

Prime Minister Modi also met Prime Minister Hung on the sidelines of the summit, reviewing progress in bilateral ties. Modi welcomed Vietnam’s participation as a Partner Country in BRICS and reaffirmed the elevation of ties during To Lam’s state visit.

India and Vietnam’s friendship was described as time-tested, rooted in civilizational heritage, mutual trust, and understanding. Vietnam remains a key pillar of India’s Act East Policy and an important partner in its wider Southeast Asian engagement.

India’s chairship of BRICS in 2026 came amid global economic fragmentation, technological disruption, geopolitical uncertainty, climate change, and resource pressures. India focused on translating expanded representation into meaningful cooperation and tangible outcomes while building consensus among diverse members.

The BRICS grouping now comprises 11 countries: Brazil, China, Egypt, Ethiopia, India, Indonesia, Iran, Russia, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, and the UAE. Alongside them, 10 partner countries including Nigeria, Belarus, Bolivia, Cuba, Kazakhstan, Malaysia, Thailand, Uganda, Uzbekistan, and Vietnam participated in the summit.

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India And Vietnam Boost Defence Partnership With Technology And Industrial Cooperation

India and Vietnam have agreed to accelerate defence technology sharing and defence-industrial cooperation, marking a significant step in their growing strategic partnership.

The decision was reached during talks in New Delhi between Defence Secretary Rajesh Kumar Singh and Vietnam’s Deputy Minister of National Defence, Senior Lieutenant General Nguyen Truong Thang.

The meeting took place on the sidelines of the BRICS Summit, underscoring the importance of defence collaboration within the broader framework of regional and global engagements.

The discussions followed bilateral talks between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Vietnamese Prime Minister Le Minh Hung during the summit. Both leaders reaffirmed their commitment to expanding maritime and defence cooperation, with the objective of supporting a peaceful, stable and rule-based regional security architecture.

According to a Defence Ministry release, this reflects the shared vision of both nations to strengthen defence ties while contributing to wider Indo-Pacific stability.

The talks also emphasised the importance of advancing the longstanding friendship between India and Vietnam. Both sides agreed to deepen their enhanced comprehensive strategic partnership, focusing on regional security and defence cooperation.

The leaders highlighted the need for close coordination in multilateral forums, particularly through active engagement in the ASEAN Defence Ministers’ Meeting Plus (ADMM-Plus) framework, which has become a key platform for regional defence dialogue.

India and Vietnam further agreed that the next Defence Policy Dialogue will be hosted by India on the sidelines of Aero India 2027. This decision reflects the intent to institutionalise defence cooperation and ensure regular high-level exchanges between the two countries.

The dialogue is expected to provide a platform for reviewing progress and identifying new areas of collaboration in defence technology, industrial cooperation and maritime security.

The defence discussions were preceded by Prime Minister Modi’s meeting with Prime Minister Hung in New Delhi during the 18th BRICS Summit. Their talks focused on strengthening the India-Vietnam Comprehensive Strategic Partnership and translating existing commitments into concrete areas of cooperation.

The Ministry of External Affairs noted that the leaders discussed a wide range of issues, including defence and security, financial technology, critical minerals and emerging technologies, highlighting the multidimensional nature of the partnership.

Vietnam’s participation in the Brics Summit as one of the partner countries reflects the grouping’s expanding engagement with emerging economies beyond its full members.

This inclusion underscores Vietnam’s growing role in regional and global affairs and its importance as a strategic partner for India in defence, technology and industrial cooperation.

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BrahMos Belt Strategy Encircles South China Sea With Expanded Footprint To Challenge China

India is steadily expanding the footprint of its BrahMos supersonic cruise missile across the South China Sea, a development experts have termed the BrahMos belt strategy, India Today reported.

This approach is seen as a way to strengthen regional deterrence against aggressive Chinese maritime moves without India directly deploying forces in contested waters.

The BrahMos missile, with a flight range of up to 290 km, was the star of India’s Operation Sindoor last year.

During hostilities with Pakistan, BrahMos strikes on air bases such as Nur Khan and Sargodha forced Islamabad to seek a ceasefire. Its precision and speed demonstrated its effectiveness, making it a game changer in regional military balance.

Three ASEAN nations have already signed deals for the BrahMos, while Thailand is evaluating the missile. The Philippines was the first to acquire it in 2022 for coastal defence in a deal worth ₹3,125 crore.

Vietnam followed with a contract valued at ₹5,900 crore, and Indonesia has agreed to purchase two BrahMos batteries worth ₹1,900 crore.

Malaysia is also showing interest. Together, these acquisitions form a chain of BrahMos batteries encircling the South China Sea.

Lieutenant General PR Shankar (Retd), who was closely involved in the missile’s induction, explained that the BrahMos belt strategy is not aimed at targeting China alone but at strengthening regional deterrence.

He emphasised that the strategy would not impact India-China ties directly but would signal to Beijing that it is dealing with a stronger India. He noted that China, operating at maximum extended range in the South China Sea, becomes vulnerable as its naval platforms fall within the arc of the Philippines, Vietnam, and Indonesia.

Tristan Tang, co-founder of the Taiwan Defence Studies Initiative, highlighted that while ASEAN is not an Asian NATO, exports from India and better coordination could create a BrahMos belt. This informal network of missile operators would act as a deterrent to possible Chinese amphibious operations.

The South China Sea is a vital shipping route, accounting for 21% of global trade. China claims about 90% of it through its “nine-dash line”, leading to overlapping disputes with Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia, Brunei, and Taiwan.

Beijing has built artificial islands and conducted naval patrols, resulting in standoffs with the Philippines in 2012 and Vietnam in 1974 and 1988. Smaller Southeast Asian nations have long struggled to impose costs on Chinese operations, but the acquisition of BrahMos missiles changes this equation.

The BrahMos is particularly suited for coastal defence. It is a ‘fire-and-forget’ missile that can be launched from land, ships, or fighter aircraft. Its speed and accuracy make it virtually impossible to intercept. Defence experts argue that no air defence system in China can counter the BrahMos effectively. This forces China to reconsider its maritime strategy, which relies heavily on deploying large naval platforms across disputed waters.

China’s concerns are evident. The Global Times, a state-run outlet, acknowledged in 2024 that the Philippines’ acquisition of BrahMos could give it striking capability towards reefs and regions in the Spratly Islands. Beijing is particularly sensitive about two waterways: the Strait of Malacca and the Luzon Strait.

The Malacca Strait is critical for China, with 80% of its oil imports and a significant share of trade passing through it. India’s recent deal with Indonesia to jointly develop the Sabang Port, overlooking the strait and located near India’s Great Nicobar transhipment hub, adds to China’s worries. The Luzon Strait, connecting the South China Sea with the Pacific Ocean, is equally vital for Chinese trade and energy security.

By equipping countries along China’s maritime periphery with BrahMos missiles, India is enabling them to bolster their military capabilities and strengthen deterrence.

This strategy allows India to raise China’s hackles without sending soldiers or ships into the South China Sea. It is a shrewd move that enhances India’s strategic presence in China’s backyard while reinforcing regional security.

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China Expands Military Build-Up With New Yagong Island Construction In South China Sea

Satellite imagery confirms that China has begun new construction on Yagong Island in the Paracel Islands, just 14 km from Antelope Reef, where Beijing is developing its largest artificial island, Reuters reported.

Analysts believe the new structures could serve as radar or surveillance facilities, strengthening China’s military footprint in the northern South China Sea, though Beijing insists they are for civilian use.

Satellite images taken in August 2026 show fresh installations on Yagong Island, part of the Crescent Group in the Paracels. The construction began earlier this year, with three-pronged structures now visible.

Security experts suggest these resemble radar or early-warning facilities similar to those China has deployed elsewhere in the South China Sea. Their proximity to Antelope Reef indicates they may be designed to support the larger base under development there.

Antelope Reef itself has undergone extensive land reclamation, creating an artificial island nearly 6 km long. Analysts note that its straight coastline, stretching over 3 km, could eventually accommodate a runway.

This would make Antelope Reef one of China’s most strategically significant outposts in the northern South China Sea, extending its reach closer to Vietnam and enhancing its ability to project power across contested waters.

Yagong Island, though smaller, is strategically positioned to complement Antelope Reef. Together, they form part of a broader Chinese effort to consolidate control over the Paracels, which Beijing seized from South Vietnam in 1974.

Vietnam continues to claim sovereignty over the entire archipelago, while other nations including the Philippines, Malaysia, Taiwan, and Brunei also maintain overlapping claims in the wider South China Sea.

China’s defence ministry has not commented on the new construction, and state media continue to frame the developments as serving civilian purposes such as weather forecasting, fisheries protection, and scientific research.

However, the dual-use nature of the facilities raises concerns among regional analysts, who argue that they could significantly enhance China’s surveillance and military presence in the area.

The timing of these developments is notable, as tensions in the South China Sea remain high. The region is increasingly militarised, with the United States and its allies conducting freedom of navigation operations to challenge China’s expansive claims.

Analysts warn that the new installations could play a critical role in any future conflict over Taiwan, given their location in the northern South China Sea.

Vietnam has responded by expanding its own network of bases in the Spratly Islands further south, underscoring the escalating contest for control of strategic maritime territory.

The construction on Yagong Island adds another layer to this competition, highlighting Beijing’s determination to strengthen its hold on the Paracels and extend its influence across the Indo-Pacific.

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Vietnam Arms Up Its Coastal Defence With $629 Million BrahMos Missiles

Vietnam has officially signed a $629 million contract with India to acquire BrahMos Block-III supersonic cruise missiles, a move that significantly strengthens its coastal defence posture in the South China Sea amid rising Chinese militarisation.

The deal, confirmed at the Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore, positions Vietnam as the second Southeast Asian operator of BrahMos after the Philippines.

Vietnam has become the latest Southeast Asian nation to procure the BrahMos missile system, joining the Philippines as confirmed operators, with Indonesia also nearing a similar agreement. The contract, valued at approximately ₹60 billion ($629 million), was signed in March and publicly acknowledged by India’s Defence Secretary Rajesh Kumar Singh at the Shangri-La Dialogue.

Vietnam is expected to receive six coastal batteries, complete with integrated logistics support, operator training, and technical instruction for maintenance personnel, making this one of its largest defence acquisitions in recent years.

The BrahMos Block 3 missile is a two-stage, solid-fuelled supersonic cruise missile capable of speeds between Mach 2.8 and Mach 3.0. It carries a warhead of up to 300 kilograms and has a strike range of 290–300 kilometres.

It features sea-skimming flight capability as low as 10 metres above sea level and steep-dive terminal attack modes, making it effective against both land and sea targets. It is a fire-and-forget weapon equipped with multiple target acquisition sensors to resist jamming.

Vietnam’s acquisition focuses on land-based coastal batteries, though Hanoi has expressed long-term interest in air-launched variants.

The strategic significance of this deal lies in the contested South China Sea. Almost all Chinese-occupied islands and bases in the region fall within BrahMos range if launched from Vietnamese-held positions.

This mirrors the Philippines’ deployment of BrahMos batteries, which similarly cover Chinese-occupied islands claimed by Manila. Taiwan, though not a BrahMos operator, maintains equivalent systems to defend its isolated holdings.

The disparity remains stark: while ASEAN claimants have avoided heavy militarisation of their islands, satellite imagery shows Chinese-occupied features bristling with PLAN missile systems and air defences.

Vietnam’s decision is rooted in its difficult history with China. The 1979 border war and the 1988 Spratly Islands clash, in which 64 Vietnamese soldiers were killed by the PLA Navy, remain bitter memories.

Since 2022, India and Vietnam have drawn closer in defence cooperation, united by shared concerns over Chinese assertiveness. The BrahMos deal underscores Vietnam’s determination to modernise its maritime deterrence and diversify defence suppliers beyond Russia, while India consolidates its role as a credible security partner in the Indo-Pacific.

The regional picture is further complicated by Japan’s growing involvement. In May, Japan and the Philippines conducted a joint live-fire exercise off Luzon, with a Japanese coastal defence unit firing two Type 88 anti-ship missiles at a decommissioned Philippine corvette.

This test highlighted the emerging network of Indo-Pacific middle powers arming themselves independently to raise the costs of Chinese coercion, even as ASEAN struggles to forge a collective response.

India’s export of BrahMos missiles represents a flagship success of its “Make in India” program, showcasing indigenous defence capabilities while reinforcing strategic partnerships.

For Vietnam, the acquisition is a critical step in securing its long coastline and offshore interests against Chinese expansionism.

For India, it signals growing strategic autonomy and influence in Southeast Asia, with BrahMos increasingly positioned as the preferred coastal defence solution in the region.

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India’s BrahMos Missile Arc Redefines South China Sea Deterrence

India’s BrahMos missile exports are reshaping the South China Sea security environment by creating a distributed anti-access network across Southeast Asia.

With the Philippines already deploying, Vietnam signing a major deal, and Indonesia joining through a $600 million package, China now faces a layered deterrence arc that complicates its naval operations and strategic planning.

India’s BrahMos missile exports have become a central pillar of its Indo-Pacific strategy. The Philippines was the first to acquire the system, signing a $375 million deal in 2022. Deliveries began in 2024, with batteries deployed across Luzon and the Luzon Strait, critical choke points for monitoring Chinese naval movements. Manila has since been offered extended-range variants, enhancing its ability to deter hostile fleets across wider maritime corridors.

Vietnam followed in May 2026, signing a deal worth approximately $700 million. This acquisition adds a powerful node to its layered coastal defence network, which already includes Russian Bastion-P systems, Kilo-class submarines, and Su-30 fighter jets. Integrating BrahMos strengthens Hanoi’s deterrence posture and raises the costs of coercion against its territorial claims in the South China Sea.

Indonesia became the third operator in July 2026, signing a defence package exceeding $600 million. This included BrahMos missiles, ASTRA MK-1 air-to-air missiles, and joint development of Sabang Port overlooking the Strait of Malacca.

The port’s location, near India’s Great Nicobar transhipment hub, underscores the strategic depth of the agreement. Indonesia’s entry completes a triangle of BrahMos operators, forming a missile arc across the South China Sea.

Together, these deals amount to over $1.7 billion in missile sales. They represent more than isolated procurements; they establish a layered maritime denial corridor stretching across critical sea lanes linking the Western Pacific to the Indian Ocean. This distributed network forces adversaries to allocate greater resources to surveillance, missile defence, and force protection measures.

The BrahMos missile itself is a formidable weapon. Jointly developed by India’s DRDO and Russia’s NPO Mashinostroyenia, it travels at Mach 2.8–3, nearly three times the speed of sound. Its extended-range variants exceed 400 kilometres, and its versatility allows launches from land, sea, air, and submarine platforms.

Its sea-skimming flight profile, high terminal energy, and resistance to electronic jamming make it extremely difficult to intercept. Defence analysts compare it to China’s YJ-12, but note BrahMos is among the fastest operational cruise missiles available globally.

For Southeast Asian states with limited naval forces, BrahMos offers a cost-effective deterrence strategy. Rather than building massive fleets, they can deploy concealed coastal batteries along islands and chokepoints. This Anti-Access/Area Denial (A2/AD) doctrine allows smaller states to impose operational risks on larger navies, compelling them to operate more cautiously in contested waters.

India’s export diplomacy is closely tied to its Act East policy. By supplying BrahMos, New Delhi strengthens regional partnerships without deploying its own forces. These agreements also include training, maintenance, logistics, and operational support, creating enduring military relationships. The missile’s success has boosted BrahMos Aerospace’s revenues, with FY26 figures crossing ₹5,200 crore, underscoring India’s rise as a global defence supplier.

China’s naval dominance is now challenged by dispersed missile networks rather than rival fleets. Beijing must reconsider its deployments, as aggressive maritime actions risk heavy operational costs. The timing of India’s deals has coincided with Chinese demonstrations of power, such as submarine-launched ballistic missile tests, highlighting the escalating strategic competition.

After decades India is taking exacting revenge on the missile, submarines, air defence systems and other key weapons proliferation to Pakistan by China. By arming China’s neighbours with BrahMos, India has effectively mirrored Beijing’s strategy of empowering Pakistan, but with far greater strategic consequences across the Indo‑Pacific.

The encirclement of the South China Sea with BrahMos batteries represents a turning point in regional security. It signals a decisive shift toward cost-effective deterrence strategies and consolidates India’s role as a trusted defence partner shaping the Indo-Pacific’s security architecture.

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The Indo‑BrahMos Pivot: How India Shut The US Out of The Indo‑Pacific

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Indo‑Pacific strategy has entered a decisive phase, with the BrahMos supersonic cruise missile emerging as the spearhead of India’s diplomatic and military outreach.

By finalising deals with Vietnam, Indonesia and the Philippines, New Delhi has effectively positioned itself to control the Malacca and Lombok straits, two of the most critical maritime choke-points in global trade.

This move is widely seen as a direct challenge to traditional Western dominance in the region, particularly the United States, which has long sought to maintain primacy in Indo‑Pacific security architecture.

The BrahMos missile, jointly developed by India and Russia, has become a symbol of India’s rise as a defence exporter. Its deployment across Southeast Asia signals a new era of deterrence, where regional partners are empowered to resist coercion and assert sovereignty.

For Vietnam, the acquisition of BrahMos strengthens its ability to counter Chinese assertiveness in the South China Sea. Indonesia’s decision to proceed with the deal reflects its determination to secure its archipelago waters, while the Philippines views the missile as a critical tool in defending its maritime claims.

India’s strategy is not limited to defence hardware. Modi’s diplomacy has been accompanied by a surge in diaspora engagement, particularly in Australia and New Zealand. Large‑scale community events have reinforced cultural bonds while simultaneously projecting India’s soft power.

The Indian diaspora in these countries has become a bridge for deeper economic and strategic cooperation, ensuring that ties extend beyond government‑to‑government agreements.

Australia has already identified India as a top‑tier security partner in its National Defence Strategy 2026, and New Zealand has moved closer to India through trade and people‑to‑people initiatives.

These developments highlight how New Delhi is building alliances based on mutual trust and shared interests, contrasting with Western approaches that often produce dependent relationships rather than equal partnerships.

The Indo‑Pacific is undergoing a profound transformation. India’s Act East Policy and MAHASAGAR vision are being translated into tangible outcomes, with defence, trade, technology and connectivity forming the pillars of engagement.

By combining hard power through missile diplomacy with soft power via diaspora mobilisation, India has crafted a unique model of influence that resonates across the region.

The United States, once the uncontested leader in Indo‑Pacific affairs, now finds its role diminished as regional nations increasingly look to India for leadership.

Washington’s shifting priorities and transactional approach under President Donald Trump have accelerated this trend, leaving space for New Delhi to step in as a dependable partner.

PM Modi’s strategy has effectively rewritten the rules of engagement, creating an alliance of real friends rather than reluctant dependents.

India’s rise in the Indo‑Pacific is not merely about countering China or side-lining the United States. It is about establishing a new equilibrium where regional nations collaborate on equal terms, pooling resources and strengthening resilience.

The BrahMos missile deals are emblematic of this shift, but the broader picture is one of India positioning itself as the anchor of a multipolar Indo‑Pacific order.

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Mortal Remains of Fifteen Indian Victims of Vietnam Boat Tragedy To Arrive In Mumbai Tonight

The mortal remains of the fifteen Indian victims who lost their lives in the Vietnam boat tragedy are scheduled to arrive at Mumbai Airport on Monday evening.

The Andhra Pradesh Bhavan confirmed that detailed arrangements have been finalised for the transhipment of the remains, following intervention by Union Civil Aviation Minister Kinjarapu Ram Mohan Naidu and consultations with the Embassy of India in Vietnam.

The remains are expected to reach Mumbai Airport at approximately 9:35 PM Indian Standard Time on Vietnam Airlines Flight VN979. To ensure seamless handling, the Governments of Tamil Nadu and Kerala have engaged John Pinto International Pvt. Ltd., Mumbai, an agency experienced in such operations.

The Andhra Pradesh Bhavan further noted that after detailed discussions with the Resident Commissioner, the handling agency agreed to transport three of the mortal remains to Hyderabad. These are tentatively scheduled to depart Mumbai by IndiGo Flight 6E6362 at 5:45 AM on 14 July 2026, reaching Hyderabad at 7:20 AM, subject to statutory clearances.

The Government of Andhra Pradesh has directed its state protocol team to receive the remains at Hyderabad Airport. District Collectors have deputed senior officers with ambulances for onward transportation to Machilipatnam, Kadapa and Hindupur, with departure expected around 9:00 AM.

Sri Chandana Nancharaiah, General Manager of APTDC, is travelling to Mumbai by IndiGo Flight 6E5124, arriving around 7:00 PM, to oversee payments and transhipment arrangements. District Collectors have been instructed to keep the bereaved families informed of the revised schedule.

The Andhra Bhavan team is monitoring the entire operation round the clock and remains in constant coordination with the Ministry of Civil Aviation, the Embassy of India in Vietnam, Mumbai Airport authorities, the handling agency, and the Governments of Tamil Nadu and Kerala to ensure dignified and expeditious repatriation.

On Sunday night, several survivors from Andhra Pradesh who were caught in the tragic speedboat accident off the coast of Phu Quoc Island arrived at the Rajiv Gandhi International Airport in Hyderabad. The accident claimed at least fifteen lives, including Indian tourists, when a speedboat carrying thirty-six people capsized near Phu Quoc Island.

The Embassy of India in Vietnam confirmed that ten victims were from Tamil Nadu, three from Andhra Pradesh and two from Keralam. According to Vietnamese newspaper VN Express, the speedboat, operated by Ocean Pear Island Company, was ferrying tourists from Hon May Rut Islet to An Thoi Port, about twenty-five kilometres from Phu Quoc Airport, when it overturned in the afternoon, throwing all passengers into the sea.

The tragedy has prompted calls for stricter safety measures in tourist operations around Phu Quoc, a popular destination known for its beaches and coral reefs. Vietnamese authorities have launched an investigation into the cause of the accident, while both Indian and Vietnamese officials continue to coordinate closely to support the victims and their families.

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Vietnam Embassy In India Expresses Deep Grief Over Phu Quoc Boat Tragedy, Assures Cooperation With India For Repatriation of Victims

The Embassy of Vietnam in India has expressed profound sorrow over the tragic boat accident off the coast of Phu Quoc that claimed the lives of fifteen Indian nationals.

It stated that Vietnamese authorities are working closely with their Indian counterparts to assist the affected families, facilitate the early repatriation of the deceased and ensure medical treatment for the injured.

Tran Thanh Tung, Charge d’Affaires of the Vietnam Embassy in India, speaking to ANI, said that the Vietnamese Prime Minister had immediately directed all relevant authorities to undertake rescue operations, provide the best possible medical care to those injured and extend support to the victims and their families.

He emphasised that the Embassy was deeply saddened by the incident and reiterated Vietnam’s commitment to supporting India in this difficult time.

He explained that Vietnamese authorities have been coordinating closely with the Embassy of India in Hanoi and other relevant Indian authorities to assist the affected families, expedite the repatriation process and ensure that the injured receive proper care. He also confirmed that a thorough investigation into the cause of the accident is underway.

Vietnam’s top leadership has conveyed condolences to India. General Secretary and President To Lam, Prime Minister Le Minh Hung and Foreign Minister Le Hoai Trung sent their deepest sympathies to President Droupadi Murmu, Prime Minister Narendra Modi, External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar and to the people of India, particularly the bereaved families. Tung added that Vietnam stands in solidarity with the victims and their families and remains committed to providing all possible support.

Meanwhile, the Embassy of India in Vietnam confirmed that the mortal remains of the fifteen Indian nationals who died in the accident have reached Ho Chi Minh City. In a post on X, the Embassy stated that the remains will be transported to India following the completion of necessary formalities.

It added that, along with the Consulate teams and Vietnamese authorities, it remains committed to facilitating the earliest repatriation.

The tragedy has drawn significant attention in both countries, highlighting the importance of bilateral cooperation in times of crisis. The swift directives from Vietnam’s leadership and the coordinated efforts between the two nations underscore the seriousness with which the incident is being addressed. 

The accident has also prompted calls for stricter safety measures in tourist operations around Phu Quoc, a popular destination known for its beaches and coral reefs.

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EAM Jaishankar Condoles Death of 15 Indians In Vietnam Boat Accident

External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar on Sunday expressed grief over the tragic boat accident in Vietnam that claimed the lives of fifteen Indian nationals.

In a post on X, he conveyed heartfelt condolences to the bereaved families and prayed for the swift recovery of the injured passengers. He described himself as deeply distressed by the unfortunate incident involving Indian nationals near Phu Quoc Island.

The accident occurred when a tourist speedboat carrying thirty-six people, including thirty-two Indian tourists, capsized near Hon May Rut Ngoai Island off Phu Quoc. The Indian Embassy in Vietnam later confirmed that all fifteen people killed in the accident were Indian tourists.

President Droupadi Murmu also expressed her sorrow, stating that she was saddened by the news of the accident in which many Indian nationals lost their lives. She extended deep condolences to the grieving families and prayed for the speedy recovery of the injured.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi likewise expressed his condolences, saying he was extremely saddened to learn of the tragic accident. He assured that the Indian Embassy and Consulate in Vietnam were providing all possible assistance and were in close contact with Vietnamese authorities.

Vietnam’s Prime Minister Le Minh Hun issued an urgent directive to authorities at both central and local levels to prioritise search and rescue operations and to assist victims and their families.

Keralam Chief Minister VD Satheesan confirmed that two victims belonged to Kottarakkara in Kerala. He identified them as AC Thomas, aged fifty-seven, and Loveni Thomas, aged fifty-six. He said the state government was coordinating with the Ministry of External Affairs to expedite procedures and bring them home. He offered heartfelt condolences to the bereaved family.

Additional reports from Vietnamese authorities indicated that strong winds and rough sea conditions were likely responsible for the capsizing. Rescue divers faced difficulties as several passengers were trapped inside the overturned vessel. Emergency medical teams were deployed to An Thoi Port to treat survivors, while the deceased were taken to hospitals for identification.

Indian officials are working closely with Vietnamese counterparts to arrange repatriation of the deceased and medical evacuation of the injured. The Ministry of External Affairs in New Delhi is expected to issue a detailed statement once the situation stabilises.

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Vietnam PM Orders Probe Into Phu Quoc Boat Tragedy That Killed 15 Indians

Vietnam’s Prime Minister Le Minh Hun on Saturday issued an urgent directive to authorities at both the central and local levels following the tragic capsizing of a tourist boat near Phu Quoc Island that killed fifteen Indian tourists.

He ordered that search and rescue operations be prioritised, victims and their families be assisted, and the cause of the accident be thoroughly investigated.

In a statement shared by the Consulate General of Vietnam in Mumbai on Facebook, Vietnamese authorities expressed their deepest sympathies over the tragedy involving Indian nationals. They conveyed heartfelt condolences, stating that their thoughts were with the victims and their families during this difficult time.

The Prime Minister directed authorities to mobilise all necessary medical resources and supplies to treat the injured, minimise further loss of life and property, and provide support and encouragement to the families of those who lost loved ones.

His directive also called for a comprehensive assessment of the incident. Authorities were asked to identify shortcomings, determine both direct and indirect causes of the accident, and implement corrective measures to prevent similar tragedies in the future.

Le Minh Hun further ordered an urgent investigation into the accident and instructed authorities to take strict legal action against any organisation or individual found responsible for violating regulations that may have contributed to the disaster. The statement emphasised that those found guilty would be dealt with in accordance with the law.

Vietnam’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs was tasked with closely coordinating with the Embassy of India in Vietnam and other relevant agencies to facilitate consular assistance, ensure the protection of Indian citizens, and address all issues concerning the affected families.

Reaffirming Vietnam’s commitment to assisting those impacted, the Consulate said the country would do everything possible to support the victims, uphold the highest safety standards for international tourists, and stand by the families of the Indian nationals.

Earlier on Saturday, a tourist speedboat carrying thirty-six people, including thirty-two Indian tourists, capsized near Hon May Rut Ngoai Island off Phu Quoc. The Indian Embassy in Vietnam later confirmed that all fifteen people killed in the accident were Indian tourists.

Additional reports from Vietnamese maritime authorities indicated that strong winds and rough sea conditions were likely contributing factors to the capsizing.

Rescue teams faced immense difficulty as several passengers were trapped inside the overturned vessel. Emergency medical teams were deployed to An Thoi Port to treat survivors, while the deceased were transferred to hospitals for identification.

Indian officials are coordinating with Vietnamese counterparts to arrange repatriation of the deceased and medical evacuation of the injured. The Ministry of External Affairs in New Delhi is expected to release a detailed statement once the situation stabilises.

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15 Indian Tourists Killed As Boat Overturns In Vietnam Speedboat Tragedy, PM Modi Condoles Loss

Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Saturday expressed deep grief over the tragic speedboat accident near Vietnam’s Phu Quoc Island that claimed the lives of at least fifteen Indian tourists. He assured that the Indian mission in Vietnam was extending all possible assistance to those affected.

In a post on X, the Prime Minister said he was extremely saddened by the incident, offered condolences to the bereaved families, and prayed for the speedy recovery of the injured. He emphasised that the Indian Embassy and Consulate in Vietnam were in close contact with local authorities as rescue and relief efforts continued.

The accident involved thirty-two Indian tourists and four crew members. According to authorities in the Phu Quoc Special Economic Zone, the speedboat operated by Ocean Pear Island Company was ferrying tourists from Hon May Rut to An Thoi Port when it capsized around 1 pm, approximately four hundred metres off Hon May Rut Ngoai.

Everyone on board was thrown into the sea. Nearby tourist boats rushed to the scene and joined rescue efforts, but rough sea conditions and passengers trapped inside the overturned vessel made the operation extremely difficult.

The Indian Embassy in Vietnam has set up control rooms in Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh City to provide information and assistance to the families of those affected. The mission confirmed it was closely monitoring the situation and coordinating with Vietnamese authorities as rescue and relief operations continued.

Andhra Pradesh Minister Nara Lokesh also took cognisance of the incident and directed officials to extend all possible assistance. After reviewing the situation with senior officials at Andhra Pradesh Bhavan in New Delhi and state government officials, Lokesh was informed that tourists from Andhra Pradesh were believed to be among those involved. He instructed officials to remain in touch with the Indian Embassy in Vietnam, coordinate with the Centre, and ensure all possible support was provided to the affected tourists and their families.

Authorities noted that sea conditions off An Thoi were rough at the time of the accident, although there was no rainfall and tourist boats were continuing to operate in the area. A representative of Ocean Pear Island Company said the vessel was operating an island-hopping tour and that the captain, who is in his fifties, had several years of experience operating passenger boats.

The speedboat was headed to May Rut Islet, comprising May Rut Trong and May Rut Ngoai, a popular tourist destination located around ten to twelve kilometres south of An Thoi. Known for its crystal-clear waters, white-sand beaches, and vibrant coral reefs, the islets attract visitors for snorkelling and diving and are typically reached by boat or speedboat from An Thoi in twenty to forty minutes.

Additional reports from Vietnamese maritime authorities indicated that strong winds were likely the primary cause of the capsizing.

Rescue divers confirmed that several passengers had been trapped inside the vessel, complicating the recovery process. Emergency medical teams were deployed to An Thoi Port to treat survivors, while the bodies of the deceased were transferred to local hospitals for identification.

Indian officials have also coordinated with Vietnamese counterparts to arrange for the repatriation of the deceased and medical evacuation of the injured. The Ministry of External Affairs in New Delhi is expected to issue a detailed statement once the situation stabilises.

Agencies

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Jakarta Could Plug Into India’s BrahMos Ring Around China

India’s expansion of BrahMos missile exports is rapidly reshaping the strategic balance in Southeast Asia. Indonesia is now considering a landmark defence agreement that would make it the third regional operator of the system.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s forthcoming trip to Jakarta has drawn significant attention, with officials negotiating terms that go beyond routine defence exports. If finalised, the deal would link Indonesia with the Philippines and Vietnam, creating a connected network of BrahMos deployments across the South China Sea.

The Philippines was the first to acquire the system, using it to secure its maritime borders. Vietnam has recently joined the list of active operators, integrating BrahMos into its layered coastal defence. 

Indonesia’s entry would expand India’s strategic footprint, providing regional capitals with a powerful deterrent against hostile naval forces. For New Delhi, these agreements are not merely transactional. 

They establish enduring military relationships that encompass training, maintenance, logistics and operational support. This approach offers Southeast Asian states a strategic alternative to reliance on a US-led containment framework.

Malaysia and Thailand have also expressed active interest in acquiring the weapon. If these discussions mature into contracts, a formidable chain of coastal batteries would be positioned around Asia’s most contested waters.

The South China Sea is a vital global trade artery, facilitating trillions of dollars’ worth of goods annually. It is also a theatre of overlapping territorial claims involving China, Vietnam, the Philippines and Malaysia. Beijing has long enjoyed a military advantage, constructing artificial islands, expanding infrastructure and deploying advanced naval and coast guard forces to pressure smaller states.

For years, Southeast Asian nations lacked credible means to impose costs on Chinese operations. The challenge was not China’s ability to dominate the sea, but the inability of smaller states to threaten Chinese vessels near disputed areas.

This equation changes when coastal states acquire high-speed anti-ship missiles capable of striking deep into contested waters. By exploiting their geographic advantages, these nations can position concealed batteries along coastlines, islands and chokepoints. This distributed network allows smaller forces to effectively threaten hostile naval movements without needing massive fleets.

The BrahMos missile, travelling at velocities approaching Mach 3, compresses an adversary’s reaction window during maritime engagements. Defence analysts highlight its severe threat to large naval and coast guard platforms.

Combining extreme speed, deep penetration capability and resistance to electronic jamming, BrahMos is regarded as one of the most dangerous coastal defence weapons available.

Its growing adoption reflects shifting regional perceptions of the United States. With uncertainty surrounding Washington’s long-term Indo-Pacific focus, Southeast Asian nations are investing in their own deterrent capabilities rather than relying solely on American presence.

Deploying these advanced batteries forces stronger navies to operate more cautiously. China’s navy remains the largest in Asia, with vast resources and shipbuilding capacity. Yet a South China Sea bordered by multiple BrahMos operators becomes significantly harder to dominate. Chinese commanders navigating contested waters face a changed operational reality.

Hostile warships must remain farther from disputed areas, while adversary fleets are compelled to devote more resources to air defence systems. The distributed batteries convince opposing forces that aggressive maritime actions will extract heavy operational costs.

India’s strategy of building a “strategic missile belt” across Southeast Asia is therefore not only about exports but about shaping the regional security environment. By linking the Philippines, Vietnam, Indonesia and potentially Malaysia and Thailand, New Delhi is constructing a deterrence arc that complicates China’s naval calculus.

This networked approach strengthens India’s Act East policy, enhances its credibility as a defence partner and signals a decisive shift in the Indo-Pacific’s balance of power.

Agencies

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India–Vietnam BrahMos Missile Deal In Final Stages

According to report in the mainstream media, India’s proposed export of the BrahMos supersonic cruise missile to Vietnam is now in its final stages, with only a few clearances pending. BrahMos Aerospace CEO Jaiteerth Joshi confirmed that negotiations are nearing conclusion, signalling that the landmark deal could soon be sealed.

If finalised, Vietnam would become one of the largest overseas operators of India’s flagship missile system, marking a major milestone in New Delhi’s defence diplomacy.

The progress comes at a time when India has delivered its 100th indigenous BrahMos booster, a significant achievement in the indigenisation drive. This milestone reflects the country’s growing self-reliance in advanced defence technologies and its ability to sustain production for both domestic and export requirements.

Alongside boosters, indigenous warheads are also under development, further strengthening the missile’s Indian technological footprint.

Work is simultaneously underway on the BrahMos-NG, a next-generation variant designed to be lighter and more versatile, suitable for deployment on a wider range of platforms including fighter aircraft and smaller naval vessels. Extended-range versions are also being developed, which would enhance the missile’s reach beyond the current 290–400 kilometre envelope, thereby expanding its strategic utility in maritime and land-based operations.

For Vietnam, the acquisition of BrahMos would represent a decisive step in bolstering its coastal defence and maritime deterrence capabilities. Hanoi has long sought to diversify its defence partnerships beyond Russia, and India’s willingness to supply cutting-edge systems aligns with Vietnam’s strategic need to counterbalance regional pressures, particularly in the South China Sea.

The deal is expected to include not only missile batteries but also training, logistics, and long-term support, ensuring sustained cooperation between the two nations.

India’s success in advancing the BrahMos programme underscores its broader ambition to emerge as a leading defence exporter. With the Philippines already inducted into the BrahMos network and Indonesia in advanced talks, Vietnam’s inclusion would consolidate India’s role as a credible security partner in Southeast Asia.

This growing footprint enhances India’s standing in the Indo-Pacific, reinforcing its strategic partnerships while showcasing the strength of its indigenous defence industry.

The BrahMos missile itself remains one of the most formidable supersonic cruise systems in the world, capable of flying at speeds of Mach 2.8, executing precision strikes, and skimming close to the sea surface to evade detection. Its versatility across land, sea, and air platforms makes it a highly sought-after weapon system, and Vietnam’s induction would significantly elevate its deterrence posture.

The near completion of this deal highlights the convergence of India’s technological achievements and Vietnam’s strategic requirements.

It also signals the emergence of a new security architecture in Southeast Asia, where India’s defence exports are increasingly shaping regional balances. The BrahMos partnership is therefore not just a commercial transaction but a strategic alignment with long-term implications for Indo-Pacific stability.

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Why Is Vietnam Tooling Up With India's Deadly BrahMos Supersonic Cruise Missiles

INS Chennai stealth destroyer firing a BrahMos missile during a routine validation exercise

Vietnam has officially signed a $629 million deal with India for BrahMos supersonic cruise missiles, confirmed at the Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore.

This acquisition significantly strengthens Vietnam’s coastal defence posture in the South China Sea, where Chinese militarisation of disputed islands has raised tensions.

Vietnam has become the latest Southeast Asian nation to procure the BrahMos missile system, joining the Philippines as confirmed operators, with Indonesia also nearing a similar agreement. The deal, valued at approximately ₹60 billion ($629 million), was signed earlier in March and publicly acknowledged by India’s Defence Secretary Rajesh Kumar Singh at the Shangri-La Dialogue.

From the scale of the contract, Vietnam is expected to receive six coastal batteries, complete with integrated logistics support, operator training, and technical instruction for maintenance personnel. This marks one of Vietnam’s largest defence acquisitions in recent years.

The BrahMos missile is a two-stage, solid-fuelled supersonic cruise missile capable of speeds between Mach 2.8 and Mach 3.0. It carries a warhead of up to 300 kilograms and has a strike range of 290–300 kilometres, with sea-skimming flight capability and steep-dive terminal attack modes.

It is a fire-and-forget weapon equipped with multiple target acquisition sensors to resist jamming. Developed jointly by India’s DRDO, the system is now largely indigenised in India, which retains rights to export it to trusted partners.

Vietnam’s acquisition focuses on land-based coastal batteries, though Hanoi has expressed long-term interest in air-launched variants.

The strategic significance of this deal lies in the contested South China Sea. Almost all Chinese-occupied islands and bases in the region fall within BrahMos range if launched from Vietnamese-held positions.

This mirrors the Philippines’ deployment of BrahMos batteries, which similarly cover Chinese-occupied islands claimed by Manila. Taiwan, though not a BrahMos operator, maintains equivalent systems to defend its isolated holdings.

The disparity remains stark: while ASEAN claimants have avoided heavy militarisation of their islands, satellite imagery shows Chinese-occupied features bristling with PLAN missile systems and air defences.

Vietnam’s decision is rooted in its difficult history with China. The 1979 border war and the 1988 Spratly Islands clash, in which 64 Vietnamese soldiers were killed by the PLA Navy, remain bitter memories. Since 2022, India and Vietnam have drawn closer in defence cooperation, united by shared concerns over Chinese assertiveness.

The BrahMos deal underscores Vietnam’s determination to modernise its maritime deterrence and diversify defence suppliers beyond Russia, while India consolidates its role as a credible security partner in the Indo-Pacific.

The regional picture is further complicated by Japan’s growing involvement. In May, Japan and the Philippines conducted a joint live-fire exercise off Luzon, with a Japanese coastal defence unit firing two Type 88 anti-ship missiles at a decommissioned Philippine corvette.

This test highlighted the emerging network of Indo-Pacific middle powers arming themselves independently to raise the costs of Chinese coercion, even as ASEAN struggles to forge a collective response.

Agencies

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